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THE LIFE 



(John) Conrad Weiser, 



GERMAN PIONEER, PATRIOT, 



t*atr»on or Two P^n.ee«. 



C. Z. WEISER, D. D. 






READING, PA.: 

DANIEL MILLER, PUBLISHER, 

118 North Sixth Strep^t. 
187G. 

7^ 






Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 187«, 

BY DANIEL MILLER, 
In the office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington. 



TO THE 

LOYAL DESCENDANTS 

OF 

THE GERMAN FOREFATHERS, 

WJio are unwilling, either to surrendei- their honorable 

Birthright for a " Mess of Pottage^^ or, to obey 

the bidding of a modern Syren, to acqidre 

a false and foreign one, through the 

hand of Esau, luhiht " the voice is 

still the voice of Jacob/' 

But ivould rather retain, ennoble, and magnify their own, 

as an efficient Factor in our National Life — 

THIS VOLUME 
IS 

PROUDLY DEDICATED 

BY 

The Author. 



PREFACE. 



There is no apology needed for writing the life of 
Conrad Weiser, if the opinions and wishes of knowing 
men carry with themselves any meaning or force. On 
the 13th day of November, 1793, General George Wash- 
ington, accompanied by General Joseph Hiester and 
other dintinguished men, stood at the grave of Conrad 
Weiser, and said ; " This departed man rendered many 
services to his country, in a difficult period, and posterity 
will not forget himJ^ Richard Peters, Secretary of the 
Province of Pennsylvania, wrote already in 1761 : — 
" Since 1744 he has acted a prominent part between the 
Indians and the Government, by whom his loss will be 
severely felt. A faithful sketch of him by some of his 
descendants would be exceedingly interesting." Samuel 
Hazard, compiler and editor of " Pennsylvania Archives" 
and ^' Colonial Records," is careful to preserve the above 
remarks in his valuable collections. Thomas H. Bur- 
rows says : " On many occasions he was of the greatest 
service to the Province, by his influence with the Indi- 
ans." Franz Loeher, author of " The History and For- 
tunes of the Germans in America," speaks of his signifi- 
cance in these words : " One man, whose name figures 
so largely in the original records and events of his day, 
deserves special mention." Prof, I, Daniel Rupp^ the 



6 PREFACE. 

antiquarian and dweller among the Maries^ has frequent- 
ly revived his name in his numerous writings. Geo, F. 
Baer, Esq., of the Reading Ear, remarks in his Address, 
delivered at the dedication of the new wing of Palatinate 
College, Myerstown, Pa., Dec. 23, 1875, on the "Penn- 
sylvania Germans" : " Then, too, the name and fame of 
Conrad Weiser, the great Indian Interpreter and peace- 
maker, will be rescued from comparative obscurity, and 
he will be given the high rank and place in history 
which he so faithfully earned and so richly merits." 

No student of our Colonial era need he told of the 
prominence of the man and his works. The wonder is, 
not that the h'nks which compose his long and eventful 
history, should now be united in a chain ; but that this 
service had not been done for him long ago. 

The " Life of Conrad Weiser" is not a manufactured 
one. It is not invented, imagined or made up. It is 
no " baseless fabric of an airy vision" — no Hiawathian 
structure of poetical art — no arraying of an Enoch- Arden 
skeleton in fictitious flesh and blood ; but the simple 
record of his life, as we find it enshrined in the facts, 
events and deeds of a long, steady, unostentatious and 
efficient course. It is but a reprint of an Autobiograph- 
ical Journal, of parts of the Pennsylvania Archives, 
Colonial Records, the Hallische Nachrichter, the numer- 
ous Monographs of I. D. Rupj), and a gathering up of 
the floating traditions among his descendants, both in 



PREFACE. 7 

Pennsylvania and Wurtemberg. It is a presentation of 
the man, so far as this may be done, from his remains. 
The manner of its execution we must leave to the judg- 
ment of others. Were it but half as ably done as it was 
willingly done, then the work would verily be equal to 
the occasion. As it is, we can only pray the reviewer's 
kindness to take the hearty will for the imperfect deed. 
To the disappointed " descendant" of Conrad Weiser we 
feel like saying, " Go thou and do — better V^ 

C. Z. WEISER. 
New Goshenhoppen, Pennsburg, Pa., 
Centennial Year, May. 



CONTENTS 



Introduction— The Indigenes, Page 1 

CHAPTER I. 
Conrad Weiser's Remote Ancestry and Native Place, 9 

CHAPTER II. 
Conrad Weiser's Parents — His Father and Mother, 12 

CHAPTER III. 
Tlie Exodus of Conrad Weiser's Father, 15 

CHAPTER IV. 
Coni-ad's Father Chief of the Colony at Livingstone Manor, 19 

CHAPTER V. 
Com-ad's Father Chief of the Colony at Schoharie, 22 

CHAPTER VI. 
Conrad Weiser's Father the Defender of the 'Rights and 

Liberties of his Countrymen at Schoharie, ' 24 

CHAPTER VII. 
Conrad's Father Leads a Colony to Tulpehocken, Penn- 
svlvania — His Return and Wandering— His Visit to 
Tulpehocken— His Death, 28 

CHAPTER VIII. 
John Conrad Weiser, Junior --His Name Birth-Place — 

Baptism, 31 

CHAPTER IX. 
Conrad's Arrival in America — His Stay with the Maqua 

Indians, 35 

CHAPTER X. 
Conrad Weiser and His Step- Mother, 39 

CHAPTER XL 
Conrad Weiser's Brothers and Sisters —His Occupation — 

Plis Marriage — His Departure for Pennsylvania, 43 

CHAPTER XIL 
Conrad Weiser's Advent in Pennsylvania— The Begin- 
ning of his Official History, 49 
CHAPTER XIII. 
Conrad Weiser, Provincial Interpreter — Justice of the 

Peace 1732-1743, 53 

CHAPTER XIV. 
Ten More Years of Indian Intercourse— Missions and Du- 
ties— 1744-1751, 63 



CONTENTS. 

rHAPTP:R XV. 
The French and Indian War— Conrad Weiser, Superin- 
tendent of the Indian Buroan-Colonel— His Death Of- 

firiallv Announced— 1754- i76<), 78 
CHAPTER XVI. 
Conrad Weiser's Failing Health— His Death— His Hurial- 

Plaoe, ^^ 
CHAPTER XVII. 

Conra<l Wois^r as a Religious Character, 93 

CHAPTER XVIII. 
Conrad Weiser's Will— His Possessions— His Sons and 

Daughters— His Posterity, 1<^0 
CHAPTER XIX. 

Suuunary and Conclusion, H5 

Conrad Weiser's Letters. 

No. 1— Letter to R. Peters, April 26, 1744, 125 

No. 2— Letter to James Logan, Sept. 29, 1744, 127 

No. 3— Letter to Secretary Peters, Jan. 2, 1745, 129 

No. 4-Letter to Secretary Peters, Feb. 10, 1745, 131 

No. 5-Letter to R. Peters, Feb. 11, 1745, 134 

No. 6 -Letter to R. Peters, Feb. 28, 1745, 134 

No. 7— Letter to a Friend, 1746, 135 

No. S— Letter to R. Peters, June 15, 1747, 143 

No. 9— Letter to R. Peters, June 21, 1747, 144 

No. 10— Letter to Secretary Peters, July 6, 1747, 147 

No. 11— Letter to R. Peters, July 14, 1747, 149 

No. 12— Letter to R. Peters, July 20, 1747, 150 

No. IS— Letter to R. Peters, Sept. 27, 1747, 154 

No. 14— Letter to R. Peters, Oct. 15, 1747, 155 

No. 15— Letter to R. Peters, Nov. 28, 1747, 159 

No. 16 -Letter to R. Peters, March 28, 1748, 162 

No. 17— Letter to R. Peters, July 10, 1748, 163 

No. 18 -Letter to R. Peters, July 14, 1748, 165 

No. 19 - Letter to R. Peters, July 17, 1748, 166 

No. 20 -Letter to R. Peters, Aug. 4, 174S, 1H7 

No. 21— Letter to R. Peters, Aug. 15, 1748, 169 

No. 22— Letter to (iov. Hauiilton, April 22, 1749, 171 

No. 23— Letter to (iov. Hamilton, May 4, 1750, 173 

No. 24 — Letter to R. Peters, Sept. 30, 1750, 175 

No. 25— Letter to Ciov. Hamilton, April 22, 1751, 176 

No. 26— Letter to (tov. Hamilton, May 2, 1754, 178 

No. 27— Letter to (iov. Hamilton, Sei>t. 13, 1754, 181 



CONTENTS. 

No. 28 -Extract from Conrad Weiser's Letters, Oct. 16th 

and 26th, 1754, 184 

No. 29— Letter to Col. Johnson, Jan 23, 1755, 186 

No. 30 - Letter to Gov. Morris, March 1, 1755, 187 

No. 31— Letter to R. Peters, May 19, 1755, 190 

No. .32- Letter to Gov. Morris, June 12, 1755, 192 

No. 3.3— Letter to Gov. Morris, July 9, 1755, 195 

No. 34— Letter to Gov. Morris, July 21, !755, 196 

No. 35 -Letter to Gov. Morris, Sept. 12, 1755, 197 

No. 36 -Letter to Gov. Morris, Oct. 4, 1755, 201 

No. 37— Letter to Gov. Morris, Oct. 22, 1755, 203 

No. 38 -Letter to Gov. Morris, Oct. 26, 1755, 204 

No. 39-Letter to James Read, Oct. 26, 1755, 205 

No. 40-Letter to Gov. Morris, Oct. .30, 1755, 207 

No. 4 f— Letter to Wm. Allen, Oct. .30, 1755, 212 

No. 42 Letter to Gov. Morris, Nov. 2, 1765, 213 

No. 43 -Letter to Gov. Morris, Nov. 7, 1755, 215 

No. 44-Letter to Gov. Morris, Nov. 19, 17.55, 215 

No. 45— Letter to Gov. Morris, Nov. 19, 1755, 2«8 

No. 46 — Letter to Gov. Morris, 1755, 221 

No. 47 — Letter to Gov. Morris, Dec. 13, 1755, 223 

No. 48— Letter to Gov. Morris, Dec. 22, 1755, 225 

No. 49— Letter to Gov. Morris, April 17, 17.56, 227 

No. 50— Letter to Gov. Morris, July ] I, 1756, 228 
No.'51 — Letter of C. Wei.ser and Wm. Parsons to Gov. 

Denny, Nov. 6, 1756, 232 

No. 52— Letter to R. Peters, Dec. 31, 1756, 2.33 

No. 53— Letter to R. Peters, July 15, 1757, 234 

No. 54— Letter to Gov. Denny, July 18, 1757, 235 

No. 55— Letter to Gov. Denny, Oct. 1, 1757, 237 

No. 56— Letter to R. Peters, Oct. 4, 1757, 238 

No. 57— Letter to Gov. Denny, Oct. 16, 1757, 239 

No. 58 -Letter to W. Peters, Oct. 27, 1757, 241 

No. 59— Letter to Gov. Denny, Oct 27, 1757, 242 

No. 60— Letter to R. Peters, June 21, 17.58, 245 

No. 61— Letter to R. Peters, July 6, 1758, 246 

No. 62— Letter to R. Peters, July 29, 1758, 247 

No. 63— Letter to R. Peters, Jan. 18, 1759, 247 

No. 64— Letter to Capt. Trump, 1760, 248 

No. 65— Letter to Gov. Hamilton, Feb. 18, 1760, 249 



contents. 
Conrad Weiser's Journals. 

No. 1— Report of his Journoy to Shainokin, 174'i, 261 

No. 2— Report of his Second Journey to Shainokin, 174:i, 2H1 

No. 3— Report of his Journey to Onondaj^o, 174:i, 2G7 

No. 4 — Report of his TJiird Journey to Shaniokin, 1744, 2S3 

No. 5 — Extract of his Journey to Onondago, 1745, 292 

No. 6 - Report of his Journey to Ohio, 174S, 300 

No, 7— Report of his Journey to Onondaj^o, 1750, 318 

No. 8— Report of his Journey to Ononda^o, 1751, 335 

No. ;> — His Journey to the Mohawk Country, 1753, 339 

No. 10 — Journal of his Proceedings at Aucquick, 1754, 348 

No. 11 — Journal of Proceedings to John Harris' Ferry, 175G, 3fi4 

No. 12 — Extract from a Journal at Easton, 1756, 307 

No. 13— Journal of Proceedings at Fort Allen, 1756, 369 

Memoranda. 

No. 1— Conrad Weiser's Colonel Commission, 1759, 375 

No. 2 — Deposition of C Weiser and T. McKee Respecting 

Conference at Easton, 1757, 376 

No. 3 — Extract from Conrad Weiser's Journal to Ohio, 1748, 378 
No. 4 — Memorandum of Wympum, 1748, 379 

No. 5 — Memorandum of Transactions With Indians at 

Reading, 1757, 380 

No. 6— Account of Expenses of Conrad Weiser to and from 

Fort Augusta, per Son Samuel. 1760, 386 

No. 7 — Memorandum of Conrad Weiser Respecting Indi- 
ans, 1756, 386 
No. 8 Conrad Weiser's Memorandum of Conference at 

Easton, 1757, 387 

No. 9— Memorandum of Conrad Weiser, June 13, 1748, 388 

Addenda. 

No. I — Names of Early Settlers of Berks and Montgomery 
Counties (Originally Pliihidelphia County), who 
were Naturalized January 9, 1729, to 1730, 393 

No. 2 — Names and Ages of the Heads of Families Remain- 
ing in tlie City of New York, 1710, 395 

No. 3 — Names and Ages of Male Children Ai)prenticed l)y 

(Tovernor Hunter, 1710 to 1714, ^ 397 

No. 4 — Names of Male Palatines, Above Twenty-One 
Years Old, in Ijivingstone Manor, N. Y., in the 
Winter 1710, and Summer 1711, 398 

No. 5 — Einweihungs-Lied, 401 

No. 6— The (Jerman Patriots and Martyrs, 404 

Our People in American History— Oration by lion. Dan- 
iel Ermentrout, 187(), 408 

No. 7— An Authentic Autobiography of Conrad Weiser, 440 



INTRODUCTION. 



The Indigenes. 



The sources and means by which the New World was 
originally peopled has ever been a mystery. And who 
shall solve the riddle for us ? No wonder that the un- 
believers of the last and present century should have 
taken the shorter and very handy method to solve the 
problem, by asserting that America had its own sponta- 
neous and independent people — Indigcyies. 

The numberless hypotheses and theories touching 
the American Aborigines show but too plainly the dark- 
ness of the theme. Campomanes patronized the claims 
of the Carthagenians. Kircher and Huet speak for the 
Egyptians. De Guignes favors the Huns. Sir William 
Jones brings India forward. George De Hornn enu- 
merates the Scythians, Phoenicians and Carthagenians. 
Gregoria Garcia leads the Mexicans, Peruvians and 
others forth as proofs that different nations contributed 
towards the original population. De Acasta makes the 
road to have been by the North of Asia and Europe, or 
by the Straits of Magellan. John De Laet peoples 
America originally by the Scythians and Tartars. Gro- 
tius brings the Norwegians over, first and foremost, by 
way of Greenland. De Moraez pronounces in favor of the 
Carthagenians and Israelites. Charlevoix looks upon 
Tartary and Hyrcania as aboriginal fountains. Lewis 
and Clarke are of the opinion that America received its 
first inhabitants from Tartary, China, Japan or Kam- 



Z INTRODUCTION. 

schatka, since these people resemble each other in color, 
shape and features. " We make no doubt/' say they, 
"that in some future time, and that not a very distant 
one, it will be reduced to a certainty that during some 
of the wars between the Tartars and the Chinese, a part 
of the inhabitants of the northern provinces were driven 
from their native country and took refuge in some of the 
Isles, and from there found their way to America.' 
They say, too, that whilst the Chinese call a slave 
•" shungo," the Indians term a dog " shungush" ; that 
whilst the former call tea "shousan," the latter style to- 
bacco " shousasan," and that the Indians retain the syl- 
lables cAe, dia^ chuj in imitation of the Chinese dialects. 
James Adair, Esq., who spent forty years among the In- 
dians, declares the American Aborigines to have de- 
scended from the Israelites. In this opinion Conrad 
Weiser joins him. A comparison of their mutual reli- 
gious rites, civil and martial customs, marriages, ceremo- 
nies, manners, languages and traditions confirms them in 
this view. They detail these correspondences under 
separate heads, such as — their tribal state under sepa- 
rate Chiefs ; the similarity between " Jehovah" and 
" Yohewah" ; their theocratic form of government ; their 
belief in angels and good spirits ; the likeness between 
the Indian dialects and the Hebrew language ; their or- 
ders of prophets, priests, festivals and religious rites and 
purifications, and their like fondness for ornaments and 
decorations. 

But, alas ! the distinguishing rite of the Jewish peo- 
ple is wanting — the rite of circumcmon. 

Certain writers claim that Americii and Asia once 
joined about the region of Kamschatka, and that the 



INTRODUCTION. 3 

first people came by that part. And time would fail 
me to record all the guesses in this direction. Still all 
these endeavors have fruited in something positive. 
The hey, by which alone this mystery can be solved, has 
been fuund. The basis of language is that key. The 
proper adjusting of it now constitutes the task for phi- 
lologists, who are solely competent to work at the prob- 
lem. The lexical school is hard at it, too, and will 
sooner or later furnish the answer. Striking similarities 
have already been traced, in the etymological sphere, be- 
tween the Indian dialects and the Martchon, Tongouse, 
Mongel, Samoyed, Celtic, Tchoud, Biscayan, Coptic and 
Congo Languages. Malte Brun establishes a geographi- 
cal connection between the American and Asiatic lan- 
guages. He concludes that the Finnist, Ostiack, Peru- 
vian and Caucassian families spread themselves along 
the frozen ocean, over Behring's straits, towards Green- 
land and Chili ; that others, allied to the Japanese, Chi- 
nese and Kourilians, penetrated to Mexico, and that the 
Malays, Javenese and some African tribes may have 
borne a part hither, as well. 

However America may have been settled, then, in 
the beginning, and from whatever several centres ap- 
parently, the general structure pervading all the Indian 
dialects has left no room to doubt that they all engraft 
themselves on one individual family. The peculiar 
manner of forming their congregation of verbs from 
one extremity of linguistic America to the other, favors 
the hypothesis of a primitive people or common stock. 
There is a divergence, indeed ; but a divergence from a 
common centre. There is a multiplicity of tribe, it is 
true ; but ill-disposed persons are too hasty in reasoning 



4 INTRODUCTION. 

from this fact to the conclusion of a number of original 
and independent sources. The tribes ally naturally into 
nations — e. g., The Four Nations — The Five Nations — 
The Six Nations. The Lenni Lenape, or Delaware In- 
dians, style themselves "The Original People/' and em- 
brace some forty branches. The Iroquois divide into a 
like number of tribes. No well-founded Indian tradi- 
tion claims more than twelve original tribes. This duo- 
decimal people the philologist will gradually trace back 
to one common source, even as the Israelites are all 
gathered up in the loins of Jacob. Hcckcrweldcr al- 
ready seemed to see that all the Indian dialects branched 
from but four principal languages. The discoveries 
made by the lexical or grammatical schools, taken with 
the traditional facts which spread all over Indian his- 
tory, already point to Eastern Asia, Thibet, Tartary, 
Japan, China. The systems of chronology, the monu- 
mental plans, the religious theories and practices — all 
these are too analogous to be considered as j)urcly acci- 
dental coincidences. Even a comparison of the Zodiac, 
between the Thibetans, Monguls and Japanese on the 
one side, and the American Indians on the other, ought 
to satisfy the most incredulous. The signs, such as the 
tiger, hare, serpent, ape, dog and bird, are identical. 
The common theories of man's early history, of the flood 
and of the dispersion, these argue a common origin. 

That the American Indians arc not the Indigenes 
of this Continent, is at once patent to any student of 
archicology. Not savages, but sages rather, commenced 
the line of human history here. American antiquities 
}>rove the existence of pre-historic races. The Missis- 
sippi Valley is a line of testimony from the lakes to the 



INTRODUCTION. 5 

gulf. Its series of earth- works, embankments and 
ditches, all laid down with precision and military sci- 
ence, remind us at once of the grassy mounds of Nine- 
veh and Babylon, The paved roads, aqueducts, bridges, 
monuments, ruined temples, altars and idols — these raise 
their eloquent tongues in Mexico, in Peru and in the 
western slope of North America, against a savage origin. 
Not development, but a degeneration may plainly be 
traced from the period of the Aborigines to that of the 
200,000 Indians whom the first European settlers found 
on this Continent. No Avonder, then, that elaborate vol- 
umes are to be read, proving that the Jews first and 
then Christians colonized America. Even though we 
may not find the theory established, Ave may yet not ig- 
nore the masterly attempt. 

Evidently the time has not yet come in which the 
problem, touching the original settlers of America may 
be fully solved ; but the dawn is at hand. And the 
dawn presages a mid-day. Let us be satisfied with so 
much. 

The following is a brief distribution of the copper 
colored race in the New World : 

I. The Indians are the Ganowaiiian or Bow-and- 
ArroAV race. 

II. The principal families were : 

1 . The Esquimaux — the eateis ofraiv meat — who dwell 
above the sixtieth degree of latitude, from Labrador to 
Alaska. 

2. The Algonquins, who lived east of the thirty-seventh 
parallel of latitude. Their home-seat Avas the OttaAva 
river. 

3. Within this same territory also roamed the Hu- 



6 INTRODUCTION. 

ron-li^oquok. Their domain extended over the coun- 
try reaching from Georgian Bay and Lake Huron to 
Lakes Erie and Ontario, and soutli to the valley of the 
Upper Ohio. Within this district was a Confederacy of 
powerful tribes having a common ancestry and gener- 
ally — though not always — acting together in war. At 
the time of their greatest power and influence, the Hu- 
ron-Iroquois embraced no less than nine Allied Nations. 
These were — a) The Huraihs, living north of Lake Erie ; 
b) the Erks, and c) AndasteSj south of the Lake ; d) the 
TuscaroraSj of Carolina, and the famous ^^ Five Nations,'' 
to wit : e) The Senecas, f) Cai/ugcis, g) Onondar/aSj h) 
Oneida^H^ and i) MohmvJ^s. 

The warriors of this Confederation represented the 
Indian character in its most favorable aspect. Tliey 
were brave, patriotic and eloquent ; not wholly averse 
to useful industry ; living in respectable villages ; tilling 
the soil with considerable success ; faithful as friends, 
but terrible as enemies. It was with this strange peo- 
ple that Conrad Weiser dealt officially during a long 
lifetime. The Delawares called them " Maquas" ; the 
French, " Iroquois" ; the English, the Five or Six Na- 
tions. 

4. South of the Algonquins were the CheroJcees and 
the MohUian Nations. The former family occupied 
Tennessee, the latter extending from the Lower Missis- 
sippi to the Atlantic. The Cherokees were greatly civ- 
ilized from contact with the whites. The Mobilians 
embraced the Yamassees and O'ceks, of Georgia; the 
Seminoles, of Florida ; and the Chodaws i\\\(\ ChlchtMuc.'i, 
of Mississippi. South of the thirty-second parallel of 
latitude these people manifested the singular circum- 



INTRODUCTION. 7 

stance of temple-building — a circumstance not displayed 
among northern tribes. 

5. West of the Father of Waters was the great race 
of the DahotaSy whose country extended from the Ar- 
kansas river to the country of the Esquimaux and west- 
ward to the Rocky mountains. 

6. South of these the Comanches lived, covering the 
present State of Texas. 

7. Beyond the Rocky mountains were the Indians 
of the Plains — the Shosonees, Selishj Klamaths and Cali- 
foniians. 

8. On the Pacific slope the famous races of Aztecs 
and Tolfccs abode. These were the most civilized of the 
Indians, the best builders in wood and stone, and the 
least warlike. 

The only hope of the perpetuity of the Indian race 
seems now to centre in the Choctaws, Cherokees, Creeks 
and Chickasaws. These number about forty-eight thou- 
sand souls. Whether the Government can adopt such a 
policy as to solve the problem confronting it, is a ques- 
tion. Judging from the poor success that has thus far 
attended the efforts made, the prospect does not promise 
happy results.* 



^NOTK.— We are indebted to Ridpath's History for some facts 



in this sketcli, 



PART I. 



CHAPTER I. 



COXRAP WEISERS REMOTE ANCESTRY AND NATIVE 
PLACE. 



The first condition necessary to a fair understanding 
and correct appreciation of a character is to know his 
origin. Call it providence, destiny, fatality, no man 
can wholly escape from his ancestry, if we may credit 
that part of the Declaration of Sinai — ^' for I the Lord 
thy God am a jealous God, visiting the iniquity of the 
fathers upon the children unto the third and fourth gen- 
erations of them that hate me, and showing mercy unto 
thousands of them that love me and keep my command- 
ments." 

In the ancient Electorate of Wurtemberg, also called 
the Duchy of Wurtemberg, a part of the once famous 
Palatinate of the Bhine, and in the town of Gross- As- 
pach, a place of some note in the county of Backnang — 
the pedigree of Conrad Weiser took its first beginning. 
" In this place," he tells us, in a fragment of his manu- 
script biography, ^^ my ancestors, from time immemorial, 
were born and are buried^as well on my father's as on 
my mother's side." 

The Lutheran Pastor ^ Eisenhart, of Gross- Aspach, 
writes for us, February 17, 1871, from whose letter we 
extract as follows : '^ I herewith send you the Weiser 
lineage from the earliest date within my reach. Our 
Church books extend back but to 1693. During that 

9 



10 THE LIFE OF 

year the PHrsonage, together with some two hundred 
homes, was laid in ashes by the French. The records 
were accordingly destroyed. I may then ascend no 
higher, notwithstanding my anxiety to serve you. The 
Pastor Loci in 101)7 ejiitomized, from memory and tra- 
dition, the names of all the surviving members of the 
cong-res^ation. On this roll the name of John Michael 
Weiser appears, who died in 1721; and also that of 
John Conrad Weiser, who is designated a ^ baker' in han- 
dicraft, as well as distinguished by the title of Corporal."* 
From the same source we learn that a certain Frederick 
Weiser, of the direct line, is at this time a resident of 
Gross-Aspach — a statement which a lately emigrated 
nephew confirms. We may also state, on written and 
verbal authority, that the name Weiser may be traced on 
the facade of an antique wine-press, which was regarded 
as one of the ancient landmarks of the place — in 1870, 
at all events. The patronymic is likewise engraved in 
the tablet of a venerable stone mansion, which either 
the historical Conrad's father or grand-father had erect- 
ed. An eye-witness describes it as standing directly 
over from the Magistrate's office in Gross-Aspach. We 
were told that the stone had been carefully re-placed dur- 
ing the re-building of the house in 1799. 

Conrad's manuscript autobiography contains this 
note touching his forefathers : ^' My great-grand-father 
was Jacob Weiser, and my grand-father was, likewise, 
Jacob Weiser." The former he designates a ^^Schuld- 
heisz," the Chief Magistrate of a district, somewhat be- 



•'•NoTE.— The Pastor alluded to bore the name of Heoele. 
He was sii])se(iiiontly deposed from the ministry for engaging 
in the very unclerical business of a wine merchant. 



CONRAD WEISER. 11 

yond a Justice of the Peace among us. It is worthy of 
notice tluit the grand-father and father, as well as Con- 
rad himself, filled the same office in their several days. 

On the strength of Pastor Eisenhart's letter, Conrad 
Weiser's record, and the sayings of an eye-witness and 
living descendant, we are safe in regarding Gross-As- 
pach as the cradle-place of Conrad Weiser's ancestry, 
and that ancestry as of some age and honorable. 

The numerous descendants of our venerable hero, 
scattered as they are over a number of States at this day, 
may hereby learn the source-spring of their being. We 
know of no Weiser-scion in America, which is not an 
outgrowth of Conrad, and through him a branch from 
the original trunk. This humble sketch will aiford 
them the means, however spare, of knowing the quarter 
of their earthly origin, as well as the period of their 
fore-father's arrival in America, and line of their blood 
and name — all of which is fast proving a great satisfac- 
tion to the children of German, Swiss, French, English 
and other emigrated ancestry, in the measure according 
to which the society of our country is crystallizing into 
Families— 2i process which no nation can eventually 
escape. 



12 THE LIFE OF 



CHAPTER TI. 



CONRAD WEISERS PARENTS. HIS FATHER AND 

MOTHER. 



Conrad Weiser's father was John Conrad Weiser. 
He was born and reared in the town of his ancestry — 
Gross-Aspach. Following the humble trade of a baker 
in early life, he succeeded by diligence and self-cul- 
ture to attain to the position and office of " Schuldheisz," 
or American Esquire. He occupied, likewise, the sta- 
tion of a Corporal in the military service, and is so dis- 
tinguished in the obituary note of his wife, which is en- 
tered on the necrological roll of his native place. 

His wife, the mother of Conrad, was Anna Magda- 
lena Uebele — not Webele, as it is usually written. 
This worthy woman was a native of the same place. We 
are told that the name is still worn by living representa- 
tives and descendants there. 

On the first day of May, A. D. 1709, she died in the 
forty-third year of her life. The primal sorrow of her 
sex carried her from the bosom of her large family into 
eternity, when about to become the mother of her six- 
teenth child. Almost a moiety of this large group must 
have died quite young. Eisenhart informs us that only 
twelve names are enrolled, though in tlie mortuary no- 
tice it is distinctly mentioned in these words : " Amia 
3faf/dalcmi Weiser died in tlie forty-third ij ear of her life 
— the mother of sixteen (ihildren,^' 



CONRAD WELSER. 13 

Tlie catalogue of surviving children, in 1710, runs 
thus : Catharine, Margaret, Magdalena, Sabina, Conrad, 
George Frederick, Christopher Frederick, Barbara and 
John Frederick. Seven of their children must, then, 
have preceded her to that unknown and silent shore. 
We feel constrained to add a tribute of regard over the 
ashes of such a " mother in Israel" in view of the bare 
but eloquent fact just told us. Is not such a woman a 
martyr in a certain sense? Her noted son, Conrad, had 
then been in his thirteenth year, and tender enough 
never to have forgotten his early and great loss. He 
kindly writes of her : "She was much beloved by her 
neighbors and feared God. Her motto was, ^ Jesus 
Christ! For Thee I live; for Thee I die; living or dy- 
ing, I am Thine.' " 

Her religious nature was largely implanted and per- 
petuated in her son, as we shall more fully learn in these 
pages. The doctrine that ascribes all the noble qualities 
and virtue of a child to the mother is a false doctrine. 
^ Mind is not of the mother' exclusively. The children of 
the Indians are always distinguished by the name of the 
mother. The reason they give for this habit is, that 
their offspring are indebted to the father for their souls, 
the invisible part of their being, and to the mother for 
their bodies. We are inclined to endorse their view as 
orthodox. The Scriptural argument in favor of its cor- 
rectness can be conducted with ease, if we are permitted 
to quote the holy mystery of the Incarnation as an 
analogy. 

Yet the maternal influence counts for much, certainly 
— for one-half, if you please — in the formation of the 
offspring's character. This woman, though dying in 



14 THE LIFE OF 

mid-life and when her son was but a child, lived on in 
him. Like a good angel, her piety cleaved close to his 
heroic spirit all through his eventful life. We must 
ever hold the child of religious parents at a premium. 

Conrad could never cease regretting the loss of his 
mother. Any half-orphan, of any tenderness, will ap- 
preciate his feelings. You seem constantly to detect a 
sighing after her. This is an evidence of the amiability 
of his nature, which even the savages could feel in later 
years. But might not that excellent mother's longer 
stay on earth have softened, weekened and enervated the 
child, and this unfitted the man for the miles and miles 
of marching, for the severe life that lay before him ? 
May not such a silver lining be found to the dark cloud 
which so often empties its fatal charge on a houshold 
and strikes the mother ? 

Conrad's heart was of his mother, let us concede. 
But the strength, energy and self-reliance, which he ex- 
hibited, came by his father. Had not his father been 
just the cast-iron man he was, his offspring would never 
have shown so hardy a son. By Providence, then, the 
mother was suffered to come aloft, lest the son might be 
petted and indulged beneath the level, from which it is 
only possible to construct and elevate a hero. In more 
than one noble life may we find some such philosophy 
illustrated. 



CONRAD WEISER. 15 



CHAPTER III 



THE EXODUS OF CONRAD WEISER S FATHER. 



'^ As a bird that loandereth from her nest^ so is a man 
that wandereth from his place. ^^ — (Prov. 27, 8.) 

The man who is led forth by the demon of unrest, 
or mere love of adventure, from his country and kin- 
dred, will surely realize the truth of the wise man's 
words. God ^^had made of one blood all nations of 
men for to dwell on all the face of the earth ; and hath 
determined the times afore appointed, and the bounds of 
their habitation^' This pregnant saying finds its appli- 
cation in the individual and family, no less than in the 
kindred, stock, tribe and race. It is in the violation of 
this Providential ordering that we may find the cause of 
the shipwreck of men and nations. There is a wedding 
of names to places, no less than a nativism of plants and 
animals. 

But it was not from any such adventurous motive, 
we may safely say, that John Conrad Weiser, already 
beyond mid-life, left Europe ; the Palatinate ; the Duchy 
of Wurtemberg ; Gross- Aspach ; the dust of his ances- 
tors that had been gathering and mouldering for several 
generations ; the cradle-place of his being ; his kindred 
and neighbors and friends — the like of which no man 
can ever hope to re-place in the latter half of his history ; 
his homestead, hallowed by the dearest associations and 
traditions ; and the fresh tombs of his faithful and pi- 



16 THE LIFE OF 

ous wife and little ones : all these for North America — 
the Wilderness of the New World — the Indian Territory 
of the Province of New York. Why, then, was this 
Abraham ic Exodus ? We may, to be sure, only sur- 
mise ; but in this way, perhaps, approximate the true 
causes. 

Europe was in a state of unrest. The Palatinate 
had been most cruelly visited and devastated by tlie 
French, especially in 1683 and 1693. Keligious wars 
bore heavily on that once fair region. Spanish aggres- 
sions were followed by pestilence and famine. Finally 
came the winter of 1709, when birds perished on tlie 
wing, beasts in their lairs and mortals fell dead in the 
way. 

Why, then, continue to dwell in this fated place ? 
Had not good Queen Ann, of England, offered a free 
passage to America, the fabled land of promise? Had 
not Hollanders, Swedes, Swiss; Lutherans, Ileformed, 
Mennonites, Quakers, all there opened the way already 
since 1613 ? Could not Penn and Pastor ins, and others 
be trusted? 

A migrating epidemic seized upon the stricken 
masses, and, as by a wave, 30,000 Germans washed 
along the shores of England. The Israelites were not 
more astounded at the armored carcasses of Egyptian 
soldiers lying by the banks of the Red Sea, the morning 
after their deliverance, than were the English at this 
immense slide of humanity. A three-headed demon 
stared the realm of Queen Ann in the face — poverty, 
famine, war. Alarm set in. Riots ensued. How came 
the deliverance ? Five Chiefs of the Mohawk Indians, 
who constituted an embassage to the British Govern- 



CONRAD WEISER. 17 

raent for the purpose of asking aid against French ag- 
gressions, saw and pitied — yes, pitied ! — this perishing 
mass of men, women and children. They offered to 
open their hunting-grounds lying beyond the great Sea. 
The Government, only too happy over such a prospec- 
tive riddance, devised ways and means of transportation, 
and Robert Hunter, the Provincial Governor of New 
York, led 4,000 Palatinates thitherward. ''At the head 
of this Colony," says the '^ Schwaebi^che Merhur and 
Kro7iiky^' " stood John Conrad Weiser." National calamity 
drove him a voluntary exile abroad. Domestic afflic- 
tion, too, had but two months earlier embittered his cup. 
And may not, at certain intervals, along the line of his- 
tory, the same impulses stir the bosoms of prophet-men 
or pivot-men as moved the ancient Chaldean shepherd 
to peril his all — not knowing whither he went? 

Let us listen to the nearer details of the veritable 
up-rooting of himself and his homestead, as given by the 
son: "In 1709 my father moved away from Gross- As- 
pach, on the 24th day of June, and took eight children 
with him. My eldest sister remained there with her 
husband, Conrad Boss, with whom she had two children. 
My father sold them his house, fields, meadows, vine- 
yard and garden. But they could only pay 75 Guldens ; 
the remaining 600 Guldens were to be paid at a subse- 
quent period. As this was never done, it was made a 
present to them." A man at that period and in that 
country, owning a homestead with adjoining fields, mead- 
ows, vineyard and garden, worth 675 Guldens, and ti- 
tled, besides, as an Esquire and Corporal, he may well 
be considered to have been the leading spirit of the 

Colony. 
2 



18 THE LIFE OF 

We will but add a morsel, touching their voyage. 
" In about two months we reached London, in England, 
along with several thousand Germans, whom Queen 
Ann, of glorious memory, had taken in charge and was 
furnishing with food." From the close of August until 
near the close of the year — four months — they lay over 
the Blackmoor. " About Christmas day we embarked, 
and ten ship loads with about 4,000 souls were sent to 
America.'^ From a later notice we learn that this was a 
full six months' voyage. Considering the condition of 
this living freight, the rude construction of sailing ves- 
sels and the season of the year, we cannot well exagger- 
ate the misery and suffering of our Palatinate forefa- 
thers. And yet Conrad, who having been but thirteen 
years old at the time, did not forget to magnify the 
kindness of Providence, through a record in his ])riv^ate 
journal of this tenor: ''Give thanks to tlie Lord, for 
His mercy endureth forever. Let the redeemed of the 
Ijord say so, whom He hath redeemed, and gathered 
them out of the lands, east and west, north and south. 
They wandered in a solitary way. In the wilderness they 
found no city to dwell in. Hungry and thirsty, their 
souls fainted in them. Then they cried unto the Lord 
in their trouble, and He delivered tliem out of tlieir dis- 
tress V' 

In what respect, we may ask, were the Puritans in 
advance of the Palatinates? Neither in suffering nor in 
patience did tlie English excel the (iernian j)iltirinis. 
We hail not the former less, but the latter more. 



CONRAD WEISER. 19 



CHAPTER IV. 



CONRAD^S FATHER CHIEF OF THE COLONY AT LIV- 
INGSTONE MANOR. 



Queen Ann had directed, with the acquiescence of the 
benevolent Mohawk Chiefs, that the goodly tract, on 
which Newberg and New Windsor subsequently rose, 
should be granted by Letters Patent to the Palatinates, 
as best adapted for the founding of their homes, schools 
and churches — the triune characteristic of our fore-fa- 
thers' advent. Robert Hunter, Governor of New York, 
and Robert Livingstone, a wealthy landlord of the 
Province, however, knew too well how to hold the emi- 
grants in suspense, and delay the consummation of the 
good intention of the royal heart, until those grounds 
should fall under their own hands and control. They 
artfully and wickedly changed the course and destiny of 
the unsuspecting Colony. Having anchored at New 
York on the 17th day of June, 1710, the conspirators re- 
moved the Germans to Livingstone Manor by the follow- 
ing autumn, with the malicious design of owning and pos- 
sessing living property. Hardly had the locating been ef- 
fected, ere they imposed an annual ground rent for ten 
acres on every separate family. Then $33.00 were ex- 
acted per capita as passage money. According to Franz 
Loeher's calculation, this taxation would have netted the 
sum of $200,000 for the men-mongers. Like the tasks 
which the Egyptian rulers imposed ujion the Israelites, 



20 THE LIFE OF 

we may regard the burning of tar and the cultivation of 
hemp, which these greedy men exacted from the German 
Colony at Livingstone Manor. Let us hear Conrad's 
own words, lest we might falsely charge: ^'Here, in 
Livingstone Manor, or, as it was called by the Gover- 
nor, Loebenstein\s Manor, we were to burn tar and culti- 
vate hemp to defray the expenses incurred by Queen 
Ann in bringing us from Holland to P^ngland, and from 
England to America. We were directed by several 
Commissioners, viz : John Cast, Henry Meyer and 
Richard Leykott, who were put in authority over us by 
Robert Hunter, Governor of New York." Who can 
refrain from recurring to the task- masters in Egypt? 
Did we but have access to their names, we miglit place 
them most apj^ositely aside of their modern successors. 
Hunter and Livingstone were cousin-germans in the 
bargain and sale. The grounds were to have been a free 
gift, and their passage was to have been a free passage 
likewise. It was simply an outrage. 

For a little while the Colony toik'd under the strange 
and galling yoke, rather than i)rovoke the ire of their 
Pharaohs, in whose hands tliey found themselves, as clay 
in the potter's. But quietly a rebellion was brewing, 
and the soul of tluit rebellion was John Conrad AVeiser, 
their Esipiire and Corporal. To him had ah'oady been 
accorded the position of counsellor and leader during the 
voyage hither, and he now naturally led the movement of 
resistance, which resulted in the eniancij^ation of the 
Colony at I^ivingstone Manor in 1713. 

Quite pathetic is his son's record in reference to this 
deliverance : " Many a tin)c have they afflicted mc from 
my youth, may Israel now say, and the Germans of New 



CONRAD WEISER. 21 

York; many a time have they afflicted me from my 
youth, yet they have not prevailed against me." — " They 
have ploughed upon my back ; they made long fur- 
rows/' 

"Except the Lord build the house, they labor in 
vain that build it." No pilgrim ever suiFered more than 
the Palatinate pilgrims, nor with less blarney ! 



22 THE LIFE OF 



CHAPTER V. 



Conrad's father chief of the colony at scuo- 

HARIE. 



The ralatinates confidently believed themselves to be 
in near prospect of Schoharie Valley, the territory indi- 
cated and donated by Queen Ann, at tlie suggestion and 
fiivor of the Mohawk Chiefs, who had witnessed their 
sad condition on the Blackmoors near London. Their 
sad discipline at Livingstone Manor dispelled their de- 
lusion. Then it was that they remembered the friendly 
Chiefs and their generous offer, with good Queen Ann's 
grant. Could not all those favors be revived ? De])u- 
ties were sent to the Mohawks during the spring-tide of 
1713. John Conrad AYeiser was the first of seven depu- 
ties. Without awaiting the issue, the majority of the 
Colony left their village-homes along the Hudson. 
These villages were Palatinate, the Ca?r»p, Germantown, 
the German Flats, Tarbush, Ancram and Rheinbeck. 
Some strayed about in isolation, others sojourning at Al- 
bany and Schenectady — all awaiting a report from the 
deputies. In November the consent of the Indians was 
received. The valley was opened for their entrance for 
the consideration of $300.00. About one hundred and 
fifty families were consequently transferred to Schoharie, 
about forty English miles from Albany, in the spring 
of 1714. The sacrifice and toil incident to their second 
settling cannot be properly realized, even after reading 
the graphic recital of the junior Conrad, which we here 
insert : "In the spring of 1714 my father removed from 



CONRAD WEISER. 23 

Schenectady, where he had procured winter quarters for 
his family with a man of the first rank of the Maqua 
Nation (Meinterstein), with about 150 families in great 
poverty. One borrowed a horse here, another there ; 
also a cow and some harness. With these things they 
joined together, until being supplied, though poorly. 
They broke ground enough to plant corn for their own 
use the next year. But this year our hunger was hardly 
endurable. Many of our feasts Avere of wild potatoes 
(oehmanada) and ground beans (otagraquara) which grew 
in abundance. We cut mallow and picked juniper ber- 
ries. If we were in need of meal, we were obliged to 
travel from 35 to 40 miles and beg it on trust. One 
bushel was gotten here and one more there, sometimes 
after an absence from one's starving fiimily for two or 
three days. With sorrowful hearts and tearful eyes the 
morsel was looked for — and often did not come at all." 

And yet here an embryonic civilization was forming 
in the wilderness, which fruited in plenty and happi- 
ness. In the course of a few years the following villages 
sprang up : Gerlachsberg, Sraithberg, Foxberg, Weisers- 
berg, Brunnerberg, Hartmansberg and Upper Weisers- 
berg. The names of the deputies were severally allotted 
to the settlements. 

Given a sj)ot of ground, with poverty and hunger to 
boot, and the German will turn the desert into a gar- 
den. This is characteristic of his nature, which we see 
exhibited almost daily. 

The inner life of the settlement is shown us with a 
tinge of sarcasm in these words : " In those days there 
was no king in Israel, but every man did that which 
was right in his own eyes." Such a fellow-feeling ren- 
ders men wondrous kind. 



24 THE LIFE OF 



CHAPTER VI. 



CONRAD AVEISERS FATHER THE DEFENDER OF THE 
RIGHTS AND LIBERTIES OF HIS COUNTRY- 
MEN AT SCHOHARIE. 



The story of Naboth's garden is a sad commentary 
on the covetousness of the human heart. There is this 
redeeming feature about the conduct of Ahab and Jeze- 
beel, though, that tliey offered an equivalent in money 
or anotlier garden in exchange for it. This is more than 
vim be said for Governor Robert Hunter and his mer- 
cenary coadjutors — the evil genii of the Germans. They 
permitted the unso[)liisticated and unsuspecting Colony 
to remain in peaceful and {)rosperous possession of their 
newly acquired settlements, until their dwellings became 
homelike and attractive, their fields, meadows and gar- 
dens fruitful. Then, as the hawk pounces upon a dove- 
cote, these miserable but powerful parties fell upon their 
victims. And these were some of their pretexts : The 
Germans' titles were defective ; they had no proof of 
(^ueen Ann's grant ; they had not flattered Governor 
Robert Hunter ; the Provincial Governor had long be- 
fore sold their fruitful valley to seven landlords: Rob- 
ert Livingstone, ^[eyndert Schuyler, John Schuyler, IV 
ter Van Brughen, George Clark, the Provincial Secre- 
tary, Doctor Stieds and Rip Van Dam. Surely these 
Germans must either fly or buy. 

The singular and suspicious part of the whole trans- 
action is that these are just seccn landlords, one for every 



CONRAD WEISER. 25 

one of the seven settlements ! In the language of the 
record, " a great uproar arose both in Schoharie and Al- 
bany upon this notice." In vain did the terrified and 
perplexed Germans cry out against the injustice of such 
technicalities and fraud. Of what avail were the plead- 
ings of the Queen's favor or the Indians' generosity ? 
The ears and hearts of the voracious plunderers were 
deaf and dumb. 

The Palatinates determined to delegate three Com- 
missioners to London. These were Weiserj Schaff and 
Walrath. 

The Governor and his crew, in order to gain time, 
plot more effectually, and, perhaps, wholly prevent the 
departure of the delegates, pretended to contemplate a fa- 
vorable compromise. But suspicion and jealousy had 
now filled the minds of the Germans and would not suf- 
fer them to brook delay. They secretly departed on 
their mission, at the expense of the Colony, which was 
doubtless a burden for them to bear. 

Already in Delaware Bay they fell into the clutches 
of pirates. Their private purses were delivered, but not 
the trust money of the Colony. They Avere subjected to 
severe trials. Weiser was bastinaded three different 
times, in order to induce him to disgorge. But he was 
too firm to yield. Schaff told them they had their all, 
after w^hich they were libenited without provision or 
suitable clothing. They embarked a second time from 
Boston, after having begged or bought their outfit, and 
arrived in London poor, strange and helpless, only to 
find that good Queen Ann had died. 

Hunter and company had likewise despatched their 
agents to England, w^ho knew but to well how to mis- 



26 THE LIFE OF 

represent the Germans as rebels, as a pestiferous set and 
as enemies to the Crown. The German delegates were 
indicted and imprisoned for debt. They wrote for help, 
but their letters were intercepted. Finally the report of 
their sad lot reached the ears of their people at Scho- 
harie, and money, gotten with sweat and toil, was for- 
warded — £70 for redemption. The aifairs came before 
the " Lord's Commissioners of Trade and Plantations," 
too, and Governor Hunter was re-called. Walrath 
grew tired and embarked for home, but died at sea. 

Nothing daunted the remaining two petitioned anew, 
and succeeded at last in having an order issued to the 
newly commissioned Governor, William Burnet, to grant 
" vacjuit lands to all the Germans who had been sent to 
New York by the deceased Queen Ann.'' 

In 1721 Schaif and Weiser had a quarwil. The 
former would no longer submit to Weiser's dictation 
and returned. His son, Conrad, says: '' Sie Judten belde 
hdiie Ka'pfc.''^ Six months after his return Schaff died. 

John Conrad Weiser returned in 1723, after an ab- 
sence of four years of suffering and sacrifice in the inter- 
est of the Colony. 

The new Governor felt like conciliating the disaf- 
fected parties, but they were nevertheless obliged to see 
their best acres abandoned or retained at enormous pri- 
ces. Some made a virtue out of necessity and fell in 
with the new order, even at the expense of their man- 
hood. Others would rather scatter here and there over 
the Province. But Weiser could not trust any longer. 
AVhilst his son was coming forward and assumed a con- 
spicuous part, the elder could not fit himself into the 



CONRAD WEISER. 27 

existing circumstances. He qiiictiy planned another 
exodus, which, though resulting in a failure for himself, 
as all his projects had proven since he left Gross- Aspach, 
was a happy enterprise for his son in the end. 



28 THE LIFE OF 



CHAPTER VII 



CONRAD S FATHER LEADS A COLONY TO TULPE- 

HOCKEN, PENNSYLVANIA. HIS RETURN AND 

WANDERING. HIS VISIT TO TULPE- 

HOCKEN. FT8 DEATH. 



About this time, 1723, His Excellency, William 
Keith, Baronet Governor of Pennsylvania, had been 
staying in Albany. Hearing of the unrest of the Ger- 
mans in that Province and anxious to draw them into 
his own, he lost no time to inform them of the freedom 
and justice that were accorded to their countrymen in 
Pennsylvania. It is even intimated that Governor 
Keith secretly meditated the founding of an independent 
State. 

The manuscript record of the younger Conrad Weiser 
relates the following : "The })eople got news of the land 
on the Swatara and Tul[)ehocken, in Pennsylvania. 
Many of them united and cut a road from Schoharie to 
the Susquehanna river, carried their goods there and 
made canals, and floated down the river to the mouth of 
the Swatara, driving their cattle over land. This haj)- 
I)ened in the spring of the year 1723. From thence 
they came to Tul[)eh()cken, and this was the origin of 
the settlement." A Colony of some sixty families lo- 
cated principally in Heidelberg township. In the 
"Schwiebische Kronik,'' March 8, 1868, it is asserted, on 
the authority of Fr. Kapp's "History of German Emi- 
gration to Anierica," that John Conrad Weiser piloted 



CONRAD WEISER. 29 

this small Colony to Tulpehocken, and that after a still 
further activity, during twenty more years, he died 
among his children and grand-children in 1746. It 
seems that the opening and closing items of the relation 
are correct, whilst the important omission, that he did not 
remain at Tulpehocken, leaves us under a wholly wrong 
impression. It has ever been a saying, on what au- 
thority we know not, that it had been his intention to 
commence the world anew on this theater. He came 
with the Colony as a leader and pioneer, it was said. 
But the crowd proved too anarchical for him. Conrad 
wrote in 1745, whether with special or exclusive refer- 
ence to this occasion we know not : " Es icar Niemcmd 
unter clem Volk, der fts^ regieren honnte. Ein Jeder that, 
was er wollte, imd ihr darker Eigensinn hat ihnen bis auf 
diese Sfimde im Wege gesta.ndenJ^ His older chiklren 
being married and settled in New York, it may be that 
he returned to his former territory after a little while. 
Be this as it may, we know that he did not remain here. 
" Der HalUsche Nachrichkr^' contains this item from 
the pen of the Patriarch Pastor Muhlenberg : ^' In the 
year 1746 came my wife's grand-father to my house; 
he had resided in New York since 1710, and lately on 
the borders of New England. He had k'ft tliat country 
on account of the dangers which he ap]H-ehended from 
the French and Indians who had lately murdered several 
German families. Moreover, he was also anxious to see 
his children and grand-children ; to converse with them 
on the subject of religion and to spend his last days un- 
molcstedly among his kindred in Pennsylvania. He 
was very infirm and frail when he came, and was con- 
fined in bed for some time after his arrival. After he 



30 THE LIFE OF 

had been somewhat convalescent, his son, Conrad, my 
father-in-law, who resided at Heidelberg, fifty miles off, 
sent a wagon with suitable bedding for them. He 
reached Heidelberg with much difficulty ; lived but a 
short time afterwards with his son, and fell asleep in 
death in the presence of his weeping children and grand- 
children/^ — [Rupp's translation.) His age is estimated 
at 86 years. 

Thus ends the long, active life of John Conrad 
Weiser, Senior. After an almost unbroken pilgrimage 
of thirty-six years in the New World, he dies helpless 
and poor in the house of his son. One could wish him 
to have had greater success for his many and heavy sac- 
rifices. A sterling, good man he showed himself to be. 
And, alas ! so little fruit to enjoy. Was it the mistake 
of his life-time to leave his country and kindred, at his 
age, and in his widowed state, with his large family of 
motherless children ? Or, was he to be a fore-runner to 
his son, who should thus have an open field to labor, 
prepared for him ? Or, again, did he but fly from evils 
which he knew, to lesser ones he knew not of? 

His son finds the key to all his misfortunes in his 
ill-fated sec^ond marriage, as we shall presently see. 

His remains are presumed to lie entombed in the 
grave-yard adjoining the Tulpehocken Church. The 
tomb, it seems, is no longer to be distinguished among 
the many in that locality. The Rev. Dr. C. H. Lein- 
bach and son, and Louis A. Wollenweber, Esq., of 
Womelsdorf, have searched for it in vain, doubtless be- 
cause a stone is wanting, or its inscription ])roves no 
longer legible. 



CONRAD WEISER. 31 



CHAPTER VIII. 



JOHN CONRAD WEISER, JUNIOR. HIS NAME — BIRTH- 
PLACE BAPTISM. 



It will doubtless create a surprise, bordering close on 
a protest, indeed, to be told at this late day that the pre- 
nomen, John, attaches properly to the historical Conrad 
Weiser — thus rendering him a full name-sake of his fa- 
ther, John Conrad Weiser. Because he opens his auto- 
biography in this wise : " I, Conrad Weiser, was born, 
&c.'^; and as he never, on any occasion, among the 
many that called forth his signature, records his name 
more largely, the public naturally took and tenaciously 
held to plain Conrad Weiser. Whether it was merely 
conventional, or in order to distinguish flither and son, 
without dragging on the luberly affix, ''Junior,'' we will 
not decide. But all discussion is cut short, and all 
doubt must vanish before the face of the Baptismal Rec- 
ord, which Pastor Eisenhart deciphered and forwarded. 
That reads: "John Conrad." The date and place of 
birth are, however, not noted with the entry of his name. 
This want Conrad supplies in his autobiography. He 
tells us that he was burn at Afstaedt, which is a small 
village in Herrenberg, a county contiguous to that of 
Backnang, Wurtemberg, ''on the 2d day of November, 
A. D. 1696." He is careful, too, to note that he "was" 
baptized in the Church in Kueppingen, on the 12th day 
of the same month and year. Kueppingen was the 



32 THE LIFE OF 

nearest Church town to Afstaedt. Pastor Eisenhart 
had the goodness to address a letter of inquiry to the Rec- 
tor at Kueppingen, and received the following reply :* 
^' Royal Parsonage, Kueppingen. 
In the Baptismal Record of this place, which also 
contains the birth notices of Afstaedt, the name of Wei- 



*-NoTE.— The following letter Pastor Eisenhart had addressed 
to Pastor Eckstein : 

"A clergyman in America, Pastor Weiser, who is a aescend- 
antofan old family of Gross-Aspach, some memV^ers of which 
emigrated to America in 1709, has respectfully asked me to fur- 
nish him with the records of his lineage, as far back as it is pos- 
sible to cull them from the Church Books, since he is minded 
to frame a Genealogical Tree, and to arrange the chain of his 
ancestors. I find, however, that one of the chief characters in 
line had resided in Afstaedt, viz: John Conrad Weiser, wlio is 
styled a Baker and Corporal; and his son, who is of the same 
name, and played a prominent part in America, it seems, was 
born there. And besides him, some of his brothers and sisters 
must have been born in Afs:aedt, namely : Maria Catherine, 
Anna Magaret, Anna Magdelena, Maria Sabina -tlie fifth (rhild 
would then be John. Conrad. All these were born prior to 1G99. 
During this year the family seems to have taken up its resi- 
dence in this place again. I ask, accordingly, in case the Church 
Books extend back so far, to inform me ol" tJie dates of the births 
of the said children, and also of the title the father bears on the 
Baptismal Record. In the enclosed paper, in which tlie 'fata' 
of the Weiser family in America are mentioned, lie is denomi- 
nated a Chief Magistrate, though he is on the Record bof'^-'^ me 
merely designated a Baker and Corporal. Had he perliaps been 
appointed to this liigher position in Afstaedt? 

Whilst I, in advance, return my tlianks for the desired con- 
tributions, and for the return of the enclosed slip, I embrace the 
opportunity, at the same time, of sending the warmest greet- 
ings of tJie inmates of the Parsonage in Gross-Aspach, to the 
honored dwellers in the Parsonage at Kueppingen, and on the 
score of old friendship, subscribe myself very respectfully, 

You I most obedient, 
Gross-Aspach, Feb. ](), 1871. Pastor Eisenhart." 



CONRAD WELSER. 33 

ser is not to be discovered, whether ten years previous, 
or ten years subsequent to 1 696. From your remarks, 
I think this remarkable, indeed. With sincere regrets 
for not being able to serve you, and reciprocating most 
heartily your kind regards, 

I remain, very truly, 
KuEPPiNGEN, Feb. 15, 1871. Pastor Eckstein.'' 

Eisenhart says, in his letter: "I was especially anx- 
ious to know whether John Conrad Weiser, the elder, 
had not been a Chief Magistrate in Afstaedt, since he is 
so styled in the '^ Schwiebische Kronik and Merkur," 
which I likewise enclose ; though he is merely denomi- 
nated a Baker by trade, and a Corporal of the Blue 
Dragon, in the Records before me." 

But whether we can account for the silence of the 
Record at Kueppingen or not, Conrad tells us all we 
need know in the words : " My father so informed me." 
This is, we may safely say, all the authority that most 
men have for believing that they were born and baptized 
in some certain place. His name appears on the Bap- 
tismal Record in Gross- Aspach as that of the fifth child 
born to John Conrad and Anna Magdalena Weiser, 
without date or place, as before mentioned. Eisenhart 
surmises the five eldest children to have been born at 
Afstaedt, during the father's temporary residence there. 
An intelligent German informs us, that Government 
officials are accustomed to enter items of domestic history 
in the Church-Books of their " Vater Stadt," no matter 
in Avhat locality they may have transpired. It is fair to 
surmise, then, that the elder Conrad Weiser removed 
from Gross-Aspach, in Backnang, to Afstaedt, in the 
adjoining county of Herrenberg, discharging there the 
3 



34 THE LIFE OF 

duties of his office until 1699, iu which year we find 
him back again in Gross- Aspach, and the birth of his 
sixth child entered as occurring there. 

The pietistic and biblical complexion of the man re- 
veals itself throughout his Manuscript Journal, in the 
Scriptural selections which he appends to every para- 
graph. He crowns the entry of his nativity with such 
passages, to wit : " I will praise Thee, for I am fearfully 
and wonderfully made. Marvelous are Thy works ; 
and that my soul knoweth right well. My substance 
was not hid from Thee, when I was made in secret, and 
curiously wrought in the lowest parts of the earth. 
Thine eyes did see my substance yet being imperfect, 
and in Thy book all my members were written, which 
in continuance were fashioned when as yet there was none 
of them. How precious also are Thy thoughts unto 
me. O God, how great is the sum of them." 



CONRAD WKISER. 35 



CHAPTER IX. 



HIS STAY WITH 
THE MA QUA INDIANS. 



Conrad was nearing the close of his fourteenth year, 
when his father, a widower with eight children, landed 
at New York — three sisters being older, and three broth- 
ers and one sister younger than himself. About the 
close of November, 1713, a Chief of the Maqua Nation* 
— whom his father learned to know favorably, during 
his visit to Albany, on his mission of negotiation for 
Schoharie Valley — made a friendly stay in the family. 
This Chief was called Quagnant or Guinant. Manifest- 
ing a fondness for the lad, he besought the father's con- 
sent to take him to his own people. The elder Conrad, 
knowing the Chief as trustworthy, and the younger 
Conrad feeling no longer any home attraction, in conse- 
quence of his step-mother's entrance into the household, 
the strange request of Quagnant was acquiesced in. 

Here we must, as we also happily may, allow him to 
tell his own experience : " I went accordingly, on my 
father's request. I endured a great deal of cold in my 
situation, and by Spring my hunger surpassed the cold 
by much, although I had but poor clothing. On ac- 
count of the scarcity of provision amongst the Indians, 
corn was then sold for 5 and 6 shillings a bushel. The 



*NoTE.— The Maquas were the Six Nations. 



36 THE LIFE OF 

Indians were oftentimes so intoxicated, that for fear of 
being murdered, I secured myself among the bushes/' 

It must not be overlooked that Conrad had by this 
time entered upon his seventeenth year. His stay con- 
tinued during eight months, in which period the foun- 
dation to his future liistory and efficiency was Avell laid. 
Hunger, thirst, cold, lying in ambushes, entering on 
foot-races and cluises — courses in such exercises de- 
veloped lungs, bone and muscle, without a bountiful 
supply of which, the necessary endurance for his subse- 
quent marches over trailing paths for miles and miles, 
would never have come to him. Conrad Weiser had a 
call to a mission, and this Indian experience was the 
^college' in which his qualifications were developed. 

Besides, Conrad Weiser during his eight months' 
tuition under Quagnant rendered himself familiar with 
Indian life — their manners, ways and habits ; their in- 
stincts, likes and dislikes ; their language — all of 
which constituted a higher order of education for his fu- 
ture work. This was civil-service-reform, however un- 
civilized. We question whether the United States Gov- 
ernment, or any of our State Governments, has ever had 
an official or public functionary, who was better quali- 
fied for his post, than Conrad Weiser proved. Perhaps 
when the world-menders and government-tinkers are 
all dead, statesmen will take a step backward in order 
to get on, in all matters pertaining to our Indian affairs. 
Conrad Weiser proved an apt pupil under Chief 
Quagnant. Hear him tell : ^^ During the latter end of 
July I returned again to my father's, from my Indian 
home. I had acquired a tolerable beginning, and, in 
fact, understood the greater part of the Maqua tongue." 



CONRAD WEISER. 37 

He had at once occasion to apply his knowledge in 
this direction, under the homestead roof: "About one 
English mile from my father's dwelling (at Schoharie) 
resided a few families of the Maqua tribe; and often- 
times a number of that Nation passed to and fro, on 
their hunting expeditions. It frequently happened that 
disputes arose between the high-mettled Germans and 
members of this tawny Nation. On such occasions I 
was immediately sent for, to interpret for both parties. 
I had a good deal of business, but no pay. None of my 
people understood their language, excepting myself, and 
by much exertion I became perfect, considering my age 
and circumstances." 

How rapidly did not this singular episode in the 
young man's life unfold its meaning ! Providence in- 
dicated the open door. The Chief is an unconscious in- 
strument in the employ of the higher motor. The far- 
seeing and thoughtful father discerned and intelligently 
interpreted the fact. The youth voluntarily lends him- 
self to this combination of circumstances. In eight short 
months Conrad Weiser is prepared to serve as benefactor 
to two races, for a period of nearly fifty years — in a 
manner as Joseph served both the Israelites and the 
Egyptians. Do we not lose the emphasis and force, in 
a large measure, of Scriptural narrative, by isolating 
those sacred incidents, and confining God's remarkable 
interventions to a far remote period ? Those holy rela- 
tions are not written for after ages, because nothing 
similar had occurred before, perhaps, or will thereafter, 
but rather since they have a prophetic bearing upon the 
Redeemer of the world, in whose interest only ^Holy 
AYrit' has a concern. ^' 1 am the Lord, I change not." 



38 THE LIFE OF 

It is ill this way that we may interpret many profane 
occurrences, without becoming wicked. A profound 
student of the Bible is, perhaps, best qualified to become 
a historian. Is not Holy Writ a photograph of his- 
tory ? History does repeat itself, but not so as to be a 
mere tautology. 



CONRAD WEISER. 39 



CHAPTER X. 



CONRAD WEISER AND HIS STEP-MOTHER. 



When Conrad had attained to his fifteenth year, his 
step-mother entered the household, in 1711. We can- 
not tell her name. She was a German emigrant, and of 
the Province of New York. We judge her to have been 
her husband's junior by much, since she survived him 
by many years. Her step-son does not speak kindly of 
her. We will let the reader judge from what has been 
already noted. 

After his return from the Maqua tribe, a spell of 
sickness came over him in consequence, doubtless, of 
his change of living. This he relates, but not without 
reflecting severely on his father's second wife. "About 
this time I became very sick, and expected to die ; and 
was willing to die, for my step-mother was indeed a 
step-mother to me. By her influence my father treated 
me very harshly. I had no friend, and had to bear 
hunger and cold. I had frequently, during my sick- 
ness, made my determination to desert from my father, 
after my recovery, but the bit of the bridle had been 
laid so tight to my mouth that I gave up this resolu- 
tion. I was tied with a cord to prevent me from run- 
ning away. I was severely chastised by my father, and 
finally took another resolution." This time, it seems, 
he executed his design, since we find him no later under 
his father's roof. We are sorry that Conrad Weiser left 



40 THE LIFE OF 

this portion of his manuscript record to remain. There 
is no excuse for him, after his experience with the 
Maqua Indians, and near his twentieth year, to thus re- 
flect on his father's wife, and, through her, on his fa- 
ther, who certainly had proven himself a very worthy 
man. 

The benevolence of biographers is infinite, it is said. 
This must be taken as a hyperbole, in the present in- 
stance. We do not feel like suifering his harsh words 
to pass unrebuked. It appears that every step-cliild 
feels itself fully licensed to berate its step-mother. By 
what style of exegesis a step-mother is excluded from 
the embrace of the first command with promise, we know 
not. Certain it is, that step-mothers bear a very different 
reputation from that borne by step-fathers, or any pa- 
rental characters of whatever sort. They, alas ! consti- 
tute a race of women who have ^no rights which we are 
bound to respect.' From Conrad Weiser's unwise entry, 
one feels like squatting them lower than the Maquas. 
And that a man, who proved himself so prudent and 
wise during a long and trying life, should have con- 
tributed anything towards strengthening this foolish and 
harmful prejudice, is to be regretted. We might excuse 
him for his imjirudence on the score of youthfulness, had 
he but in maturer years recorded an explanatory clause- 
But even his son records her demise (1781) without era- 
sing his cruel words. 

The proverb runs : " A stei)-mother makes a step- 
father." Perhaps by extending our vision a little fur- 
ther back, we might learn that it is the fatha' tliat is the 
occasion and cause of the step-mother, since he enjoys 
the prerogative of conducting her into the i'amily. And 



CONRAD WEISER. 41 

once there, tliat father is as much bound to " protect" 
his second wife, or step-mother, even though it be against 
his own natural children, as he is required to shield her 
against any one's assaults. Whilst we would certainly 
exj)ect such a father to consider duly his surroundings 
and relations, ere he leads any " strange woman'' to his 
hearth and heart, yet, when the measured step has been 
taken, we wdll honor him all the more for asserting, in 
spirit and conduct, that he does not intend the spider- 
and-fly philosophy to animate the life of his home. 

We have a suspicion, from the manner in which 
Conrad entangles his father, that the elder Conrad Wei- 
ser intended to be master in his own house. In may be 
taken for granted, judging from his heroic conduct at 
Livingstone Manor and Schoharie, that he was fully able 
to conduct his family matters after an average rule of 
right. The younger Conrad, it may likewise be suppo- 
sed, had become willful, as it were, and free without be- 
coming of age, and thus rendered the discipline of his 
father somewhat severe. The elder Weiser had come 
from a country in which the jxornts governed the chil- 
dren. Here is a picture of our Puritan ancestors, which 
applies equally well to our Palatinate Forefathers : 

" They were too stern, we acknowledge, and rigid ; 
they knew little or nothing of the gentleness and sweet- 
ness of the Gospel ; but they maintained family govern- 
ment, and trained uj) their children to honor and obey 
their parents, to be honest and upright. Their sons 
grew up with strong and manly characters, patterned 
after their fathers, and filled worthily their places when 
they were gone, in the family, in society, in the church, 
and in the state. There is no use in denying it, private 



42 THE LIFE OF 

and public virtue was the rule ; men and women, with 
rarely an exception, were loyal to their trusts, and could 
be relied on/' 

Such a man and father we believe the elder Weiser 
to have been. And as Conrad was reared by him, and 
proved a true man, he is his own best refutation. 

We know of step-mothers who excelled many natu- 
ral mothers. Many of the former class, too, dare not 
venture half-way up to the privileges and duties of their 
station, lest they be tabood by the children of their hus- 
bands, who are instigated and encouraged thereto by 
meddlesome neighbors and a vitiated public conscience. 
We are ready to affirm, that many noble-hearted women 
have entered family groups of motherless children with 
the lofty motive and holy determination to be mothers 
indeed, Avho were, however, confronted by so fierce a 
prejudice against themselves, both within and without 
the homes, as to break down and die broken-hearted — 
and solely because they occupied the position in question. 
Either the practice of choosing step-mothers should 
cease on the part of wive-less fathers, or the said fathers 
should resolve to prove somewhat more valiant Knights 
to the women who enter their castles at their own urgent 
entreaties. Then, it may be, the position of step-mother 
will no longer fall under i)ar, because the character, con- 
duct and spirit of step-children will stand at a higher 
premium. •' 



(XJNKAD VVEISER. 43 



CHAPTER XI. 



CONRAD WP:ISERS BROTHERS AND SISTERS. HIS OC- 
CUPATION. HIS MARRIAGE. HIS DEPART- 
URE FOR PENNSYLVANIA. 



The motherless children of the elder Conrad Weiser 
had been separated and scattered over the Province of 
New York, already from the day of his second marriage, 
as the younger Conrad states. Having informed us? 
that his eldest sister, Mrs. Boss, remained in the home- 
stead in Gross-Aspach, he relates further, that two of his 
brothers, George Frederick and Christopher Frederick, 
^^ were bound out, in 1711, by the Governor of New 
York, with the consent of my father, to a gentleman on 
Long Island." He speaks of another thus : " My 
youngest brother, John Frederick, died in about the 
sixth year of his life, during the month of December of 
the same year — (1711) — and was buried at Livingstone 
Manor, 'm the. country,^ as the people called it. His 
tomb was the first by the spot where the Reformed 
Church now stands." A sister became the wife of a Mr. 
Picket, whose son, John, Conrad subsequently recom- 
mended, in 1750, to the Mohawks, "as well suited to 
learn their language, and serve them after I should 
grow too old." 

Conrad left his fathers house during 1713-14, for an 
Indian Town, about eight miles south of Schoharie. 
Here he resided until he left for Pennsylvania, in 1729, 



44 THE LIFE OF 

He was employed, like the vast majority of his German 
fellows, in agriculture under its rudest form. With but 
a limited education, but of an energetic and brave spirit, 
he filled the position of a school-master, and thus, in the 
course of fifteen years, secured to himself a solid and 
useful self-culture, whilst he was teaching rudiments to 
his wards. Conrad Weiser was eminently a self-made 
man, so far as this is possible for one. 

Here, too, Conrad Weiser opened his own family- 
history. Of this event he speaks plainly: "In 1720, 
while my fother was in England, I married my Anna 
Eve ; and was given in marriage by the Reverend John 
Frederick Hseger, Reformed clergyman, on the 22d of 
November, in my father's house, at Schoharie.'^* The 
maiden name of his wife we have never found men- 
tioned ; nor has any one else, so far as we could learn. 
Were we open to gossip, we might give full heed to the 
current and somewhat romantic tradition, that Conrad 
Weiser had married a Mohawk Indian maiden. The 
invariable absence of her patronymic, coupled with the 
fact of his earlier and later residence among the Maqua 
people, constitutes the basis of the strange surmise. The 
fiict ( )r fancy, that the immediate descendants of the pair, 
had always been distinguished by straight raven-colored 
hair and a bronzed complexion, c^ime in as an after- 
thought, and served as a very handy support to the 
view agoing. It was mooted, too, that the primitive 
name, Eve^ was ominous of the conceived idea; and that 
it was designedly chosen, in order, on the one side, to 



-••Note.— The Colony extended alonj? both sides of the Hud- 
son. Pastor John Frodorick FIa\<;ar oJliciated on one side, and 
Pastor Joshua Kochertlialer on the other. 



CONKAD WEISER. 45 

ignore lier former Indian origin, and, on the other, to 
indicate lier incipient motherhood to a different race. 

It is not well to fly in the face of an old creed, if it 
is in any wise supported by reasonable credentials. 
Nevertheless, we hesitate not to write down Mrs. Anna 
Eve Weiser as a full-blooded Palatinate woman. It is 
easy to account for the rise and onward flow of the story 
of Conrad Weiser's Mohawk wife. His silence touch- 
ing her patronymic made it necessary for his posterity 
to go in search of it. As Indians wear no family cog- 
nomen, the notion that she miglit have been an Indian 
lay nearer, and proved easier to harbor, than to success- 
fully ferret out the lost name. The organ for marvel- 
ous conception, besides, is large in many ; and nothing 
proves more attractive, than Indian romance, in propor- 
tion to the distance exactly. 

Whilst we cannot adduce a record, or any positive 
and direct testimony against the partially accepted fic- 
tion, there is yet much strong circumstantial proof to 
the contrary, which mars and spoils the romance for us. 
Conceding the truth of the singular saying, for a mo- 
ment, how are we to account for the almost entire ignor- 
ance of the mother's vernacular, on the part of their 
el(Mt children, at least ? Had it been indeed the mother- 
tongue of the household, then it is fair to suppose that 
the Mohawk dialect might have become a family par- 
lance, more or Jess ; and the older sons and daughters 
would naturally have taken it up in a measure. And 
yet, Samuel even is found to be too imperfectly ac- 
quainted with the Indian tongue to be efficiently em- 
ployed by the Government, in the room of his deceased 
father, after the fairest trial had been afforded him. His 



46 THE LIFE OF 

daughter, Mrs. Heintzelman, on the word of her father, 
"understood only here and there a word, from hearing 
the Indians talk at home." Nor has the learned world 
derived any contribution of Mohawk lore, even through 
the scholarly Muhlenberg line, though Mrs. Anna Maria 
Muhlenberg was Conrad Weiser's eldest daughter ! In 
no child of the Indian Interpreter has any knowledge of 
the supposed 7?io^/ier-tongue cropped out. Conrad had 
practically learned the Maqua language in his early 
youth, as we have seen, and had found an almost un- 
broken occasion to use it officially during a long life. 
This fact, of itself, would not warrant us to expect even 
an acquaintance with a strange tongue, in the offspring, 
much less a familiarity. The language of court, gov- 
ernment, or office, does not generally invade the pre- 
cincts of the home. But let that tongue be the inherited 
one by the wife and mother, and flow from her lips, 
then the children will betray it, let them deny it never 
so persistently. 

As for the straight, black hair and the dark hue of 
Conrad Weiser's immediate offspring, little stress should 
be laid on it. The stride between the premises and the 
conclusion is a fearfully long one. Thomas Corwin 
once said, "no man ought to be so impertinent as to al- 
lude to the Abolition theme in the presence of a man of 
my own complexion !" Still, Thomas Corwin's mother 
was not an Indian woman. It would, indeed, prove a 
difficult task, to find a sufficient number of Indian 
maidens to mother all the offspring of sombre, tawny 
hue. A hair is a slender thing to run a distinction on, 
and a shade is a fickle thing. 

The fact that the Indians characterized Conrad Wei- 



CONRAD WEISER. 47 

ser as "one-half a Seven Nation Indian and one-half an 
Englishman/^ seems to support the romantic theory. 
But even this double claim is satisfied by the circum- 
stances of his birth and adoption. It is ever so inter- 
preted and explained by the responses of the diiferent 
Governors and Officials, in Councils and Conferences. 
Besides, his fellow Interpreter — Shekallamy — an In- 
dian, is spoken of in like terms, who certainly had not ^ uLi 
been wedded to a white woman. ^^^^^*^ ^^^^^^ ^'PuTc^n'^A A ^ 

A much more likely explanation for the absence, of 
Anna Eve's family-name is, that she had been an in- 
dentured orphan-girl, whose parents had either died dur- 
ing her early infancy, or whose parentage had been ig- 
nored, in consequence of her indentured condition. Such 
an accident befell the young not seldom, during the un- 
organized and unfixed state of society, of her maiden 
days. The lot of the ^redemptioner' was a sad lot, in 
more than one respect. We have heard it said, that 
Conrad Weiser called his bride "My Anna Eve,'' for 
the very good reason, that neither he nor she could tell 
what more to call her. 

We, therefore, call for the record. And until that 
is produced, or its equivalent, we will permit John 
Rolfe, the handsome English planter of Virginia, to re- 
main alone in the glory of having won and wedded the 
Indian maiden, Pochahontas — however inviting a basis 
the low whisper affords him to build his romance upon, 
who prides himself over the imaginary Indian blood 
coursing through his veins. (See Note next page.) 

Here four of his children were born — Philip, Fred- 
erick, Anna Maria, and Madlina. 

Aside of his domestic calling, as farmer and peda- 



48 TPIE LIFE OP 

gogue, he had acquired some skill as a lapidary. There 
is in our possession a stone handle to a riding- whip, 
which our fore-fathers have ever highly prized and 
carefully secured, because it was the workmanship of 
Conrad Weiser. It is of an octagonal form, and very 
high polish. This, with a large mirror and a heavy 
silver spoon, constitutes our whole collection of souv- 
ernirs of the man, though other members of his line, it 
is said, retain a larger and rarer cabinet. 

During his father's absence in England, and after 
1723, Conrad seems to have taken a conspicuous place 
in Provincial affairs. Familiar with the Mohawk 
tongue, he stood between the Indians and the English, 
as well as between the English and the Germans, in all 
matters of intercourse or dispute ; whilst the active part 
his sire had taken during his active life, at Livingstone 
and Schoharie, had initiated him early into the secret of 
shielding his own countrymen against the tricks and en- 
croachments of Government officials. "In the com- 
mencement of the year 1721," says he, "I was sent with 
a petition to the newly-arrived Governor Burnet." In 
such like transactions he bore a diligent hand for about 
a decade of years, when he left the Province. 



Note. — We find the following extract recorded in an old 
family Bible, which we insert here, without being able, liov/- 
ever, to vouch for its correctness : 

" The Kev. Mr. Muhlenberg, likewise, writes in the ' IIol- 
lische Nachrichter' : ' Our young interpreter remained back 
and entered into matrimony with a Gorman Cliristian maiden, 
of Evangelical parentage, in 1720.' " 



^ONRAD WEISER. 49 



CHAPTER XII 



, THE 
BEGINNING OF HIS OFFICIAL PIISTORY. 



Six years after his father's pioneer visit to this Prov- 
ince, at the head of a Colony of perhaps sixty families, 
and nine years after his marriage, Conrad Weiser arrived 
at Tulpehocken, being now thirty-three years old. We 
are not left in doubt as to the time and place of his ad- 
vent. " In 1729 I removed to Pennsylvania and settled 
at Tulpehocken." Here, in this valley, in the township 
of Heidelberg — -named after a city in south Germany, in 
the Duchy of Baden — one-half mile east of the town of 
Womelsdorf, he located his permanent residence, in the 
year when Independence Hall was commenced. His 
chief aim was to be a farmer, as we infer, both from his 
own later declarations and the extent of agricultural 
acres which gradually came into his possession — num- 
bering nearly one thousand acres, during a period of 
thirty years. But the circumstances of the country at 
that time and the peculiar qualifications of the man did 
not afford him such seclusion. There is a divinity in 
the aifairs of men, communities and things, which mani- 
fests itself in the law of demand and supply — in that 
law of compensation, which provides organs and agents 
for every legitimate emergency. The intermingling of 
Indians, English and German people, challenged the 
presence and service of just such a man, as a solution to 



50 THE LIFE OF 

the complication of circumstances. And here again was 
tulfilled that saying — "There standeth one among you/' 

Conrad Weiser first appears in the character of a 
volunteer Interpreter for the Council of Pennsylvania 
and several Indians. Shekallamy* finds him, already in 
1731, in the wilds of Tulpehocken, and prevails on him 
to accompany him to Philadelphia. Here Governor 
Gordon, likely, learned to know and appreciate him. The 
sum of forty shillings was accorded him on this occa- 
sion for his free-will services. Under date of December, 
1731, we find the following entry made in the Account 
of the Provincial Treasurer : '^ To cash, by order of the 
Board, paid to Conrad Weiser, who, at Shekallamy's 
desire, attended him from Tulpehocken, £2, lis.'' Af- 
ter this introduction he remains continually in the pub- 
lic eye. A like order to the one just mentioned is re- 
corded as having been honored March, 1 732, for £3, 
13s., 5d., for services rendered to the Shawnese In- 
dians and the Province. 

But the way was now opening for a more public and 
significant station. In the month of August, 1732, the 
Six Nationsf express themselves as 'S^ery desirous that 



*NoTE.— Shekallamy was an Agent for the Five or Six Na- 
tions, and resided at Shamokin. He is spoken of " as a trusty 
and good man, and a great lover of the English." In 1756, on 
Feb. 24, his son spoke in these words concerning him, in Phil- 
adelphia . " My fathei, who, it is well known, was all his life 
a hearty and steady friend to the English, and to this Province 
in particular, chai'ged his cliildren to follow his steps and to re- 
main always true to the English, who had been ever kind to 
him and his family." 

fNoTE. — The * Four,' ' Five' and ' Six Nations' were an In- 
dian Union, formed by the following Tribes: Maqua (Mo- 
hawks), Onondagos, Senekas, Oneydas, Tuskaroras, Cayoogas. 



CONRAD WEISER. 51 

there may be more frequent opportunities of conferring 
and discoursing with their brothers, and that these may 
be managed by the means of Shekallamy and Conrad 
Weiser." On the following day the Indians say that 
" they would be pleased to have an answer to their 
proposition." The Governor replied as follows : " As to 
what you have said about employing Shekallamy and 
Conrad Weiser, on which you gave the -first strings of 
Wampum,* we are very glad you agree with us in the 
choice of so good men to go between us. We believe 
them to be very honest, and will with cheerfulness em- 
ploy them." The Council then presented the sum of 
£12 to Conrad Weiser, ^for accompanying and being very 
careful of the Indians on their way from Tulpehocken ; 
and for having been extremely useful in framing an ini- 
tiatory treaty with them.' It is also said, to the honor 
of the man, that ^ because the men were not only very 
acceptable to the Indians, as appeared by their late 
recommendation of them, but likewise seemed to be per- 
sons of truth and honesty, all due encouragement should 
be given them.' Having thus secured the good will 

Conrad Weiser says these lived from 200 to 500 miles from Lan- 
caster, Pa. They are spoken of as the Iroquois, and for the 
most part dwelt in the northern portion of the United States — 
near the great Lakes, in New York, &c. Onondago was their 
Council Ground, whither the Delegates came annually or semi- 
anuually to deliberate on general aflfairs. Their Conventions 
were said to have been quite edif3dng. 

*NoTK.— A Belt of Wampum is a leathern string on which are 
threaded white and violet shells, wiiich are found on the coasts 
of New England and Virginia, and are cut into beads of an ob- 
long form. It is a very solemn instrument among the Indians, 
as well as an ornamental wearing. It signifies a league of 
friendship, a ratification, a mark of honor, &c. 



52 THE LIFE OF 

of the Provincial Officials and Indian Chiefs, by his na- 
tive excellence and faithfulness, he is the acceptable me- 
diator, henceforth, between the waxing and waning 
races. Conrad Weiser, accordingly, in the course of 
three years, steps out of his Tulpehocken obscurity into 
the position of an official and historical character. 

William Penn and Conrad Weiser are two men, at 
least, of whom the Indians think and speak well. It is 
not too much to say that the pacific spirit of Penn was 
perpetuated by AYeiser, and that the fair name of our 
Commonwealth, touching our treatment of the Indians, 
is perhaps as much owing to the fine policy of the latter, 
as it is to the amiable mind of the former. 



CONRAD WEISER. 53 



CHAPTER XIII 



CONRAD WEISER, PROVINCIAL INTERPRETER. JUSTICE 
OF THE PEACE. 1732 — 1743. 



From the year 1732, when George Washington was 
born, we may regard Conrad Weiser the officially recog- 
nized Interpreter of Pennsylvania. President Logan 
says, Oct. 12, 1736: '' Conrad Weiser and Shekallamy 
were, by the Treaty of 1732, appointed fit and proper 
persons to go between the Six Nations and this Govern- 
ment, and to be employed in all transactions with one 
another ; ^ whose bodies,' the Indians say, ^ were to be 
equally divided between them and us, we to have one- 
half and they the other.' They say ^ they have always 
found Conrad faithful and honest. He is a o^ood and 
true man, and has spoken their words and our words — 
not his own.' The Indians have presented him with a 
dressed skin to make him shoes, and two deer skins to 
keep him warm." 

The Provinces of Virginia, Maryland and New York 
employed him in a like capacity, somewhat later. On 
the side of the Indians, all Tribes and Nations engaged 
him, and there was no iniportant negotiation transacted, 
involving the interests of both races, in which he was not 
made use of. During the interval between 1732 and 
1736, the messengers of the Six Nations were constantly 
passing to and fro, in order to bring the Treaty to a 
ratification. Conrad Weiser is the pivot-man on all 



54 THE LIFE OF 

such occasions. Shekallamy iiaively says, in 1734, 
when not finding his trusty friend on hand: ^^ Having 
finished inquiry, I will go to see Conrad Weiser, at 
Tulpehocken, and either relate it to him to be sent down 
hither in writing, or, if it be found to be of consequence, 
I will come hither and deliver it myself." 

In 1735 he made a religious somer-sault, which will 
be noticed hereafter. 

The Council Minutes, as they are preserved for us 
in the Colonial Records and Pennsylvania Archives, 
frequently record his name, at short intervals, over a 
dozen or more pages. Notice is taken of his valuable 
services, both by the Indians and the Council, again and 
again, and always in most favorable terms. In Se})tem- 
ber, 1 736, the Chiefs of the Six Nations were ex})ected 
in Philadelphia to confirm the Treaty of 1732. He in- 
formed the Council, from Tulpehocken, that a large 
number would arrive from Shamokin, on the Susque- 
hanna, and was asked to repair to Philadelphia at once, 
to attend and provide for them. On the 27th the Chiefs 
with Weiser came to the President's house at Stenton. 
Here a feast was provided. On the 28th the Council 
was held, in the presence of Gov. Thomas Penn, the 
Chiefs and other dignitaries. Conrad Weiser the In- 
dians style "our friend." The sum of £20 is awarded 
him, and in no grudging way, as may be gathered from 
the following extract : " He has been very serviceable — 
which sum the Provincial Treasurer is directed to pay, 
and that he advance the said sum." 

When Governor Gooch, of Virginia, desired this 
Province to mediate between the Six Nations, the Chero- 
kees, the Catawbas and others, and himself, Logan writes 



CONRAD WEISER. 55 

thus : ^^ I had an opportunity of seeing Conrad Weiser, 
and judging him, from the experience this Government 
has had of his honesty and fidelity, to be the most proper 
person to carry the Six Nations the proposed message in 
this letter, I engaged Weiser to undertake the business, 
and gave him proper instructions to that end. He, now 
being returned, has, in his own words and hand-writing, 
given a very distinct and satisf\ictory account of the er- 
rand he was sent on ; the Board will find it, in substance, 
to signify that the Six Nations are ready and willing to 
treat of and conclude a peace with their enemies ; but 
declining to go to Williamsburg, they propose Albany." 

In 1737 he was accordingly sent to Onondago, N. 
Y. This was his first great mission. He leaves Tul- 
pehocken, in February, for a journey some five hundred 
miles long, through a wilderness without road or path, 
in the face of danger. His experiences are well told in 
his Journal, to which the reader is referred. In all the 
following years his name occurs on many pages, as 
though he were the most prominent man of the day. 
We question, too, whether any one man had been more 
widely and more favorably known, at that period, than 
Conrad Weiser was. It would tire our hand to write 
and but weary the eye, were we faithfully to insert this 
entry — ^'Conrad Weiser, Interpreter" — as often as it is 
made to stand on the official record. 

During the year 1738, ,.ifl'' May, he accompanies 
Bishop Spangenberger,T5avid Zeisberger and Shebosch, 
Moravian Missionaries to the Indians, to Onondago 
again. Their hardships were many and great, all of 
which he cheerfully and heroically endured. 

But he was not unmindful of home interests, though, 



56 THE LIFE OF 

as it seems, so constantly engaged abroad. We never 
found a man busier over a larger territory, without neg- 
lecting his own house and neighborhood. In 1739-40, 
Feb. 4, he saw the propriety of organizing a new county, 
and accordingly signs a prayer to that effect, though the 
county of Berks did not come forth until 1752. 

In the year 1741 he was commissioned as a Justice 
of the Peace for Lancaster county, and thus succeeded 
to the office which his father and grand-father had filled 
in Gross- Aspach. He continued in service as a Justice 
for many years, and after the erection of Berks county, 
he filled it within that territory, likewise. Fr. Loeher 
speaks of him as a Magistrate '^ known far and wide as 
an upright officer." But he displeased the lawless on 
many occasions, for be it remembered, Conrad Weiser 
was a religious man. Of a certain family he complains 
woefully, and thinks them "worse than any Indian or 
Frenchman." He acknowledges that he stands in dread 
of the members of the household. And well he might. 
One night those upon whom he pronounced the law's 
penalty, barred his windows and blockaded the doors, 
setting fire to some straw and other combustibles which 
they had carried under the stoop. One of the children 
awoke and gave the alarm. They broke through a 
window and thus escaped being burned alive. 

It is related, as showing the humor of the man, that 
a certain troublesome woman, who had been continually 
worrying him for the arrest of her husband on the 
charge of ^ assault and battery,' was once asked by him 
whether she did not sometimes deserve a little castiga- 
tion at her husband's hands ? To this query the woman, 
after some hesitation, made answer that she believed it 



CON HAD WEISEK. 67 

to be his right and her profit to have a chastisement ad- 
ministered occasionally, but that he indulged too fre- 
quently and too severely in the discipline. 

In July, 1742, an account of his expenses was 
exhibited, amounting to £36, 18s., 3d. This seems 
a large bill ; but that it did not strike the officials 
as being too exorbitant, or as calling for an investiga- 
tion, the extract which we insert will show. "Taking 
into consideration the many signal services performed 
by Conrad Weiser to this Government, his diligence and 
labor in the service thereof, and his skill in the Indian 
languages and methods of business, we are of the opinion 
that the said Conrad should be allowed, as a reward 
from this Province, at this time, the sum of thirty 
pounds at least, besides payment of his said account.'^ 

Cannassatego, a Delaware Chief, bespeaks the good 
will of the Council at Philadelphia, after this manner, 
in his behalf: ''We esteem our present Interpreter to 
be such a person, equally faithful in the interpretation 
of whatever is said to him, by either of us ; equally al- 
lied to both. He is of our Nation and a member of our 
Council, as well as of yours. When we adopted him, 
we divided him into two equal parts — one-half we kept 
for ourselves and one-half we kept for you. He has a 
great deal of trouble with us. He wore out his shoes in 
our messages and dirtied his clothes by being among us, 
so that he is as nasty as an Indian. In return for these 
services we recommend hiu) to your generosity. And 
in our own behalf we gave him five skins to buy him 
clothes and shoes with.'^ 

The Hon. George Thomas, Lieut. Governor of the 
Province, replied in these words; "We entertain the 



58 THE LIFE OF 

same sentiments of the abilities and probity of the Inter- 
preter as you have expressed. We were induced, at 
first, to make use of him in this important trust, from 
his being known to be agreeable to you, and one who 
had lived amongst you for some years in good credit 
and esteem with all your Nation, and have ever found 
him equally faithful to both. We are pleased with your 
notice of him, and think he richly deserves it at your 
hands. We shall not be wanting to make him a suita- 
ble gratification for the many good and faithfui services 
he has done this Government.'^ 

It was in this year, during the month of July (12th), 
that another Tribe ratified the Deed, given some years 
earlier, for the land along the Schuylkill. To this in- 
strument the names of Benjamin Franklin and Conrad 
Weiser are appended. 

But another important mission opened before him. 
Count Zinzendorf had arrived in America, and was 
anxious that Conrad Weiser should accompany him to 
Bethlehem, to preach to the Indians. There he, ac- 
cordingly, interpreted for the Count during the month 
of August. ^' This is the man,'' said he, ''whom God 
hath sent, both to the Indians and the white people, to 
make known his will to them." On a similar errand 
he accompanied Count Zinzendorf, shortly afterwards, 
to Shamokin. He was enraptured over the success of 
the Gospel among the Indians. He expresses his de- 
light in a letter, from which we cull the following ex- 
tracts : 

" I was very sorry not to have seen 3'ou at Shamokin 
(Buettner), owing to your indisposition. But the 
pleasure I felt, during my abode there, left a deep im- 



CONRAD WKISER. 59 

pression upon me. The faith of the Indians in our 
Lord Jesus Christ — their simplicity and unaffected de- 
portment — their experience of tlie grace procured for us 
by the sufferings of Jesus, preached to them by the 
brethren, has impressed my mind with a firm belief that 
God is with you. I thought myself seated in a company 
of primitive Christians. 

^^The old men sat partly upon benches and partly 
upon the ground, for want of room, with great gravity 
and devotion, their eyes steadfastly fixed upon their 
teacher, as if they would eat his words. John was the 
interpreter, and acquitted himself in the best manner. 
I esteem him as a man anointed with grace and spirit. 
Though I am not well acquainted with the Matikander 
language, yet their peculiar manner of delivery renders 
their ideas intelligible to me as to any European in this 
country. In short, I deem it one of the greatest favors 
bestowed upon me in this life that I have been at Sha- 
mokin. 

" That text of Scripture, ' Jesus Christ the same yes- 
terday and to-day, and forever,^ appeared to me as an 
eternal truth when I beheld the venerable patriarchs of 
the American Indian Church sitting around me, as liv- 
ing witnesses of the power of our Lord Jesus Christ and 
of his atoning sacrifice. Their prayers are had in re- 
membrance in the sight of God — and may God fight 
against their enemies. May the Almighty God give to 
you and your assistants an open door to the hearts of all 
the heathens. This is the most earnest wish of your 
sincere friend. Conrad Weiser.'^ 

However sanguine he may have been of the conver- 
sion of the Indians, at the time of his writing, we do 



60 THE LIFE OF 

not find that he colleagued longer with the Moravian 
Missionaries in prosecuting the noble undertaking. This 
much credit must, nevertheless, be given him that he 
at that early day suggested the only true plan by which 
any Missionary work can ever be carried forward, 
whether the material to be evangelized be Indian, Af- 
rican, or Asian or European. Pastor Muhlenberg states 
it in these words : ^^ Mr. Weiser is of the opinion, that 
to convert them to Christianity it would be essential, 
among other methods, to adopt something like the fol- 
lowing : 

''I. Several Missionaries should take up their abode 
in the midst of the Indians and strive to make them- 
selves thorough masters of their language ; conform as 
far as possible to their costumes, manners and customs, 
yet reprove their natural vices by a holy, meek and 
virtuous deportment. 

*'II. Translate Revealed Truth into their own lan- 
guage, and })resent the whole as intelligibly as possible. 

"III. The Missionaries should study the Indian 
tunes and melodies, and convey to them the law and the 
Gospel, in such tunes and melodies, in order to make an 
abiding impression, and thereby, under the blessing and 
increase of God, patiently wait for the fruits of their la- 
bors." — (From Rujjp's History of Berks and Lebanon 
Counties.) 

The interest which our hero took in the evangelizing 
of the Indians, will become all the more striking when 
we recall the fact that he spent three months in instruct- 
ing Pyrlaaus, Buettner and Zander — Missionaries from 
Europe in 1741 — in the Maqua or Mohawk language 
at Tulpehocken, during 1743, in order to preach the 
Gospel to the Iroquois, or Six Nations. 



CONRAD WETSER. 61 

The'year 1743 was a busy year for him. The Gov- 
ernor (Thomas) sends him to Sharaokin. Of this trip 
he says ; " On the 30th of January, 1 743, in the eve- 
ning, I received the Governor's order, together with 
the deposition of Thomas McKee, and set out next 
morning with Mr. McKee for Shamokin, where we ar- 
rived on the 1st of February. I left Shamokin the 6th 
and arrived at home in the niglit, the 9th of February.'' 

In April the interests of Virginia and Maryland re- 
quire his services. The Governor of Pennsylvania, ac- 
cordingly, sends him to the same place. His own words 
are these: '^In April, 1743, I arrived at Shamokin 
(9th), by urder of the Governor of Pennsylvania, to ac- 
quaint the neighboring Indians, and those of Wyoming, 
that the Governor of Virginia was well pleased with the 
mediation, and was willing to come to agreement with 
the Six Nations about the land his people w^ere settled 
upon, if it was that they contended for, and to make up 
the matter of the late unhappy skirmish in an amicable 
way." 

But he is not permitted to recruit long in his Tul- 
pehocken home. It was the opinion of the Board that 
Conrad Weiser should be immediately sent for and de- 
spatched to Onondago again. Instructions, given under 
the hand and lesser seal of the Province of Pennsylva- 
nia, dated June 18, 1743, were put into his possession. 
He was charged with delivering the good will of the 
Governor and Council of Virginia, with the distribu- 
tion of £100 ; and with authority to arrange the time 
and place of meeting during the coming spring, in order 
to form a Treaty in regard to some disputed lands. 
Here are five hundred more miles to be gone over. By 



62 THE Llf^E OP 

the 1st day of August he hands up his Report to the 
Governor. He kept a Journal, noting all his experi- 
ence, "for his memory's sake and satisfaction/' We 
will relate some cullings, since there are "several things 
mentioned which are mere ceremonies and trifling de- 
tails/' 

He went on horseback. He smoked many pipes* of 
Philadelphia tobacco, and told them that " it was enough 
to kill a man to come such a long and bad road, over 
hills, rocks, old trees, rivers, to fight through a cloud 
of vermin, and all kinds of poisonous worms and creep- 
ing things, besides being loaded with a disagreeable 
message." The tawny people laughed at him. He met 
Aquoyiota, an old acquaintance of his, a Chief seventy 
years old. While there, they feasted him on " hominy, 
venison, dried eels, squashes and Indian corn-bread." 

The Record of Conrad Weiser, covering eleven years 
of constant service, was above all taint or suspicion. 
His private life, his official history and his religious 
zeal, all combine to present him a very beautiful charac- 
ter before us. It is a pleasure to hear the good reports, 
coming in from all sides, which endorse the traditional 
estimation of the man. 



*NoTB. — The Pipe of Peace is the Indian Flag of Truce. It 
is often termed the '* Calumet" — for what reason we know not. 
It consists of a reed some four feet long, inserted in a bowl of 
red marble, curiously painted over with hieroglyphics and 
adorned with feathers. Every Nation has its own peculiar 
decorations. 



CONRAD WEISER. 63 



CHAPTER XIV. 



TEN MORE YEARS OF IDIAN INTERCOURSE. MISSIONS 
AND DUTIES. 1744-1754. 



Scenes of blood were frequent in those days. Through 
Conrad Weiser's philanthropic and wise policy many 
gory outbreaks were prevented, as our ancestors believed 
and assured us. But withal they did occur. In April, 
1744, Governor Thomas was informed that John Arm- 
strong, an Indian trader, with his two servants. Wood- 
ward Arnold and James Smith, had been murdered at 
Juniata, by three Delawares. Conrad was despatched 
to the Chiefs, at Shamokin, to look up and demand sat- 
isfaction for the deed. The culprits were imprisoned at 
Lancaster and hanged at Philadelphia. In reference to 
this matter he says, in a letter, dated Tulpehocken, 
April 26, 1 744 : '^ I am always willing to comply with 
His honor's commands, but could wish they might have 
been delayed till after Court, where my presence by 
many is required on some particular accounts. But as 
the command is pressing and cannot be delayed, I am 
prepared to set out to-morrow morning for Shamokin. 
I will use the best of my endeavors to have the Gov- 
ernor's and Council's request answered to satisfaction, 
by delivering up the two Indians and the goods. * * * 
I am afraid they have made their escape far enough by 
this time." In May he makes his interesting report. 
The Delaware Indians acknowledged the deed without 



64 THE LIFE OF 

pleading ^^ insanity.'' ^'It is true/' said a Chief, "we 
by the instigation of the evil spirit, have murdered." 
* * * u ^Yg have transgressed, and we are ashamed to 
look up. We have taken the murderer and delivered 
him up to the relatives of the deceased, to be dealt with 
according to his works. The dead bodies are buried. 
Your demand for the goods is very just. We have got- 
ten some, and will do the utmost of what we can to find 
them all. Our hearts are in mourning, and we are in 
a dismal condition and cannot say anything at present." 
A grand feast was prepared for over one hundred per- 
sons, who devoured a big, fat bear, in silence. A Chief, 
the oldest, rose and said : "Although, by a great mis- 
fortune, three of their white brothers had been murdered 
by the Indians, the sun had still not gone down, and 
war set in ; but that only a little cloud had crossed the 
face, which now too had been cleared away ; and that 
all the evil-doers should be punished, whilst the country 
remained in peace, and the Great Spirit must be 
praised." He then struck on a musical tune, which all 
chimed along. No words seemed to be employed — 
merely a, tune, whirh was very solemnly uttered. At 
the end the veteran exclaimed : "Thanks ! Thanks ! To 
Thee, Great Governor of the World, that Thou hast 
chased away the clouds and suffered the sun to shine on 
once more. The Indians are Thy children." 

The Great Council was held at Lancaster, Pa., June 
22d, and a Treaty was made with the Six Nations. The 
Governor was present and the Commissioners of Vir- 
ginia and Maryland. This Conference was a protracted 
one and ended about the close of July. Many ])leasant 
occurrences are noted as having transpired during the 



COXRAD WEISER. 65 

proceedings. The Indians frequently shouted their " Jo- 
hah/' which denotes approbation and good feeling. It 
is a loud cry, and consists of a few notas pronounced in 
unison, in a musical manner, in the nature of our ' Hur- 
rah.' Three hundred pounds were distributed among 
the Indians in presents, of vermillion, flints, jewsharps, 
boxes, lead, shot, gun-powder, shirts, blankets and 
guns. Conrad Weiser interpreted, and explained the 
present. A Deed was executed, by which all their claim 
and title to certain lands lying in the Provinces of Vir- 
ginia and Maryland were released. They demanded 
that Conrad Weiser should sign the instrument, as well 
with his Indian name as with his English. His In- 
dian name was Tarachawagon. 

The messenger of the Governor of Virginia made 
the following complimentary allusion to the Interpreter 
in his address to the Sachems and Warriors of the Six 
Nations ; 

" Our friend, Conrad W^eiser, when he is old, will 
go into the other world, as our fathers have done. Our 
children will then want such a friend, to go between 
them and your children, to reconcile any differences that 
may arise between them ; who, like him, may have the 
ears and tongues of our children and yours. 

"The way to have such a friend is for you to send 
three or four of your boys to Virginia, where we have a 
fine house for them to live in, and a man on purpose to 
teach children of yours, our friends, the religion, lan- 
guage and customs of the white people. To this place 
we kindly invite you to send of your children ; and we 
promise you they shall have the same care taken of 
them, and be instructed in the same manner, as our own 
5 



66 THE Llt^E Of' 

children ; and be returned to you again when you please. 
And to confirm this, we give you this string of Wam- 
pum.'' 

To this proposition Canassatego replied in these 
words : 

" Brother Assaraquoa : You told us, likewise, you 
had a great house provided for the education of youths ; 
that there were several white people and Indian children 
there, to learn languages, to read and write ; and invited 
us to send some of our children among you. 

" We must let you know we love our children too 
well to send them so great a way. And the Indians are 
not inclined to give their children learning. We allow 
it to be good, and we thank you for your invitation. 
But our customs differing from yours, you will be so 
good as to excuse us. 

" We hope Tarachawagon (Conrad Weiser) will be 
preserved by the Great Spirit to a good old age. When 
he is gone under ground, it will be time enough to look 
out for another. And, no doubt, amongst so many 
thousands as there are in the world, one such man may 
be found who will serve both parties with the same 
fidelity as Tarachawagon does. While he lives there is 
no room to complain." 

Surely the old Chief had knowledge of a very good 
sort of philosophy. It was teaching the })opular prov- 
erb : ^' Never cross a bridge till you come to it" ; or the 
Christian theory, ^^ Fear not, but trust to Providence." 

This apt reply reminds us of another, similar in kind. 
General George Washington, while President of the 
United States, sent an Agent to the Chypewyan Tribe, 
whose friendship it was requisite we should cultivate to 



CONRAD WEISER. 67 

preserve the lucrative fur trade. Among other things 
that the illustrious President oifered was, 'Hhat the 
United States would take two or three of the sons of 
their Chiefs and educate them in our colleges." When 
the proposition had been offered, the Indians, who never 
give an immediate answer to things that they think of 
importance, told the Agent : " They would think of it." 
After a short time they returned for an answer : " That 
they had consulted on the subject, and were of the 
opinion that it would render them effeminate to be 
educated in our schools, as it would totally disqualify 
them to hunt or pursue the war ; but, in return for the 
civility of their Chief Washington, they would, if he 
would send the sous of his men among them, educate 
them to pursue the chase for several days without eat- 
ing; and to go without clothing in extremely cold 
weather, and, in frosty nights, to lay on the ground 
without covering, and every other thing requisite to 
make them Indians and brave men." 

The Lancaster Treaty brought Conrad Weiser £15, 
3s., 6d., to defray his expenses by. 

During-this year the Governor sent forth intimations 
of a war in prospect against the French. In order to 
keep the Indians on good terms with the English, Con- 
rad Weiser was kept in constant employment. Hearing 
of the death of a Chief among the Onondagos, he sug- 
gests a visit of condolence, which he was accordingly or- 
dered to perform, in September. 

This being a very critical time, the traffic in liquor 
which the Traders carried on for pelfs sake, gave the 
Government much to do. Reduced to a state of intoxi- 
cation, they would barter their skins away for a mere 



68 THE LIFE OF 

song, and after having recovered from a drunken fit, 
they were ready to seek revenge. Conrad Weiser was 
the pacificator of the day. Governor Thomas said, at 
Philadelphia, August 24, 1744: ^^Tho' the Indian 
Traders are not the best sort of people, and may not do 
you well, yet you are not to take revenge yourselves, but 
apply, in all cases, to Conrad Weiser, who is a Justice 
of the Peace, and will hear your complaints and procure 
you such redress as our law will give you.'' The Dela- 
wares were satisfied with this advise. 

With the opening of 1745 came further duties and 
tasks for our diligent man. In January, at his sugges- 
tion again, he builds a house for Shekallamy, at Sha- 
mokin, '^49 J feet long and 17J wide, and covered with 
shingles, in 17 days" — which we may regard a speedy 
job for that period. During this year, too, he- gave his 
eldest daughter in marriage to the grand old Lutheran 
Patriarch, the Rev. Dr. Henry Melchior Muhlenberg, 
as we shall learn in another place. But he has little 
time to spend in festivities at home. French machina- 
tions call him, in company with Shekallamy and others, 
to Onandago again. Pie sets out on the 19th of May. 
The result of his negotiations, which opened on the 6th 
of June, may be seen in a letter of his, to which the 
reader is referred. 

Here we will insert an anecdote, which we extract 
from Hupp's History of Berks and Lebanon Coun- 
ties : 

•^ It was probably while at Onondago this time, the 
current anecdote, related by Dr. Franklin, touching 
Weiser and Canassatego, which is found in Drake's In- 
dian Biography, Book Y., p. 12, 13, originated. As the 



CONRAD WEISER. 69 

editors of the valuable Encyclopedia Perthensis have 
thought this anecdote worthy a place in that work, it has 
gained one here : 

"^Dr. Franklin tells us a very interesting story of 
Canassatego, and at the same time makes the old chief 
tell another. In speaking of the manners and customs 
of the Indians, the doctor says : The same hospitality, 
esteemed among them as a principal virtue, is practised 
by private persons ; of which Conrad Weiser, our inter- 
preter, gave me the following instances : He had been 
naturalized among the Six Nations, and spoke well the 
Mohawk language. In going through the Indian coun- 
try, to carry a message from our Governor to the Coun- 
cil at Onondago, he called at the habitation of Canassa- 
tego, an old acquaintance, who embraced him, spread 
furs for him to sit on, placed before him some boiled 
beans, and venison, and mixed some rum and water for 
his drink. When he was well refreshed, and had lit his 
pipe, Canassatego began to converse with him; asked 
how he had fared the many years since they had seen 
each other ; whence he then came ; what occasioned the 
journey, etc. Conrad answered all his questions ; and 
when the discourse began to flag, the Indian, to continue 
it, said, ^Conrad, you have lived long among the white 
people, and know something of their customs : I have 
been sometimes at Albany, and have observed, that once 
in seven days they shut up their shops, and assemble in 
the great house ; tell me what that is for ; what do they 
do there?' ^They meet there,' says Conrad, 4o hear 
and learn good things.' ' I do not doubt,' says the In- 
dian, Hhat they tell you so; they have told me the 
same ; but I doubt the truth of what they say, [and I 



70 THE LIFE OF 

will tell you ray reasons. I went lately to Albany, to 
sell my skins, and buy blankets, knives, powder, rum, 
&c. You know I used generally to deal with Hans 
Hanson ; but I was a little inclined this time to try 
other merchants. However, I called first upon Hans, 
and asked him what he would give for beaver. He 
said he could not give more than four shillings a pound ; 
but, says he, I cannot talk on business now; this is the 
day when we meet together to learn good things, and I 
am going to the meeting. So I. thought to myself, since 
I cannot do any business to-day, I may as well go to 
the meeting too, and I went with him. There stood up 
a man in black, and began to talk to the people very 
angrily ; I did not understand what he said, but per- 
ceiving that he looked much at me, and at Hanson, I 
imagined that he was angry at seeing me there ; so I 
went out, sat down near the house, struck fire, and lit 
my pipe, waiting till the meeting should break up. I 
thought, too, that the man had mentioned something of 
beaver, and suspected it might be the subject of their 
meeting. So when they came out, I accosted my mer- 
chant. ^ Well, Hans,' says I, ^ I hope you have agreed 
to give more than 4s. a pound.' ^No,' says he, ^I can- 
not give so much ; I cannot give more than three shil- 
lings and sixpence.' I then spoke to several other deal- 
ers, but they all sung the same song, — three and six- 
pence, three and sixpence. This made it clear to me 
that my suspicion was right ; and that whatever they 
pretended of meeting to learn good things, the purpose 
was to consult how to cheat Indians in the price of 
beaver. Consider but a little, Conrad, and you must 
be of my opinion. If they met so often to learn good 



CONRAD WEISER. 71 

things, they would certainly have learned some before 
this time. But they are still ignorant. You know our 
practice. If a white man, travelling through our coun- 
try, enters one of our cabins, we all treat him as I do 
you; we dry him if he is wet; we warm him if he is 
cold, and give him meat and drink, that he may allay 
his thirst and hunger ; and we spread soft furs for him 
to rest and sleep on : we demand nothing in return. 
But if I go into a white man's house at Albany, and 
ask for victuals and drink, they say, get out, you Indian 
dog. You see they have not yet learned those little good 
things, that we need no meetings to be instructed in, be- 
cause our mothers taught them to us when we were chil- 
dren ; and therefore it is impossible their meetings 
should be, as they say, for any such purpose, or have 
any such effect : they are only to contrive the cheating 
of Indians in the price of beaver.' " 

In October he is in New York, surrounded by Chiefs. 
In December he is directed by the Governor, at the sug- 
gestion of the Council, to employ scouts among the 
Shamokin Indians "to watch the enemy's movements, 
and to engage the whole body of Indians there to harass 
them in their march. The pay or reward to be given 
them, in all such transactions, to be entrusted to his own 
good judgment to determine." 

A slight intermission of missionary travel seems to 
have been granted him during the year 1746. But it 
was by no means an idle year. As farmer. Justice of 
the Peace and Interpreter, he found enough to do. It 
would prove a difficult task to find a character whose 
record presents a less broken chain. 

In 1747 the Proprietary Governor, John Penn, dies. 



72 THE LIFE OF 

He is charged in June to carry the sad news to the In- 
dians at Shamokin. In October he writes to Secretary 
Peters and advices that a handsome present should be 
made to the Indians on the Ohio and Lake Erie * * * 
"since they, by their situation, were capable of doing 
much mischief if they should turn to the French." 

And in November he is found again at Shamokin. 
This time Shekallamy, his old friend and friend of the 
Province, is in the deep waters of affliction. Conrad 
Weiser's heart was not the one that could pass by on the 
other side, or even but come and look upon him. " I 
arrived,'' says he, "at Shamokin on the 9th, about noon. 
I was surprised to see Shekallamy in such a condition 
as my eyes beheld. He was hardly able to stretch forth 
his hand to bid me welcome. In the same condition 
was his wife — his three sons not quite so bad, but very 
poorly ; also one of his daughters and two or three of 
his grand-children. All had the fever. There were 
three buried out of the family a few days before, namely : 
Cajadis, Shekallamy's son-in-law, who had been married 
to his daughter above fifteen years, and was reckoned 
the best hunter among all the Indians, and two others. 
I administered medicine to them, under the direction of 
Dr. Grseme. Shekallamy soon recovered from his sick- 
ness. The medicine had a very good effect. * * * 
Four persons thought themselves as good as recovered ; 
but, above all, Shekallamy was able to go about with 
me, by a stick, before I left Shamokin, which was on 
the 12th, in the afternoon." 

"I must, in conclusion," he goes on to say, "recom- 
mend, as an object of charity, Shekallamy. He is ex- 
tremely poor. In his sickness the liorses have eaten all 



CONRAD WEISER. 73 

the corn. His clothes he gave to the lodian doctors to 
cure him and his family ; but all did no good. He has 
nobody to hunt for him, and I cannot see how the poor 
old man can live. He has been a true servant to the 
Government, and may still be, if he lives to get 
well again. As the winter is coming on, I think it 
would not be amiss to send him a few blankets, or 
match-coats, and a little powder and lead. If the Gov- 
ernment would be pleased to do it, I would send my 
sons with it to Sham ok in, before the cold weather 
comes." This is the parable of the ^Good Samaritan' in 
a practical way. He had from his thorough acquaint- 
ance with the Gospel, as Muhlenberg says, learned the 
full import of the admonition of St. James, and failed 
not to realize it on this poor Indian. 

His prayer for charity was not unheeded, either. £16 
were given him, which his sons promptly delivered to 
the unfortunate family. 

He informed Secretary Peters that the present, in- 
tended for the Ohio Indians, had been dealt out Avith 
too sparing a hand. The Council regretted that it had 
already been forwarded, as it was, but assured him that 
no further action would be taken in this direction with- 
out consulting him ; and requested him to attend the 
Council at Philadelphia, in view of a conference with 
the Ohio Warriors. 

In November he speaks of his timely arrival at Pax- 
ton, to prevent the Indians about there from going over 
to the French. 

His temperance principles came to the surface again 
and again. He does not look with favor on the liquor 
traffic with the Indians. "It is an abomination before 
God and man," as he puts it. 



74 THE LIFE OF 

About the close of 1747 and beginning of 1748, a 
mission to Ohio was spoken of. The Provinces of Vir- 
ginia and Maryland were asked to join with Pennsylva- 
nia in preparing a suitable bribe for the Indians dwel- 
ling on the banks of the Ohio river, who were allied to 
the Six Nations. This Province alone gathered about 
ten thousand pounds for this and similar purposes. 
Conrad Weiser was immediately thought of as the en- 
voy. He endeavored to excuse himself from performing 
so long and hazardous a journey. But he was finally 
prevailed on to undertake it, through the earnest words 
of Secretary Peters. The enterprise was postponed, 
however, until the 11th day of August, 1748, when he 
set out from his home at Tulpehocken. We have not 
the space to remark on all the thrilling incidents, but 
must refer the reader to his Journal. By the 2d day of 
October he arrives safe at his home. . 

In the month of April, 1749, his commission as Jus- 
tice of the Peace was renewed. By the first day of July 
he is in Philadelphia, interpreting for the Indians of va- 
rious Tribes. In August Governor Hamilton speaks 
thus to the Board : 

"Mr. Weiser having defrayed the expenses of the 
last Indians, in their journey to and from this city, I 
advanced him the sum of £60 on his going way. He 
must, by this time, have laid out a considerable sum 
more, which you will please to order payment of. And 
tho' from your long knowledge of his merits, it might 
be unnecessary in me to say anything in his favor, yet 
as the last set of Indians did damage to his plantation, 
and he had abundant trouble with them and is likely to 
meet much more on this occasion, I cannot excuse my- 



CONRAD WEISER. 75 

self from most heartily recommending it to your mind, 
to make him a handsome reward for his services/' 

He continued busy with his tawny friends during 
the entire month, mediating, negotiating, pacifying and 
laboring; in the service. 

In this year he, with Secretary Peters, aided by the 
magistrates of the county, the delegates of the Six Na- 
tions, one Chief of the Mohawks, and Andrew Montour, 
the Interpreter from Ohio, whom Weiser had recom- 
mended to the Board as a person of capacity, because of 
his long residence among the Iroquois, was directed to 
proceeH to Cumberland county, to drive forth certain 
white squatters and intruders on Indian ground. We, 
accordingly, find him a member of the Board of Con- 
ference, at that place, on the 17th of May, 1750. The 
balance of the month and a part of July, again, is con- 
sumed with some Conestogoe Indians and the Twightees. 
Indeed it Avere, perhaps, more proper to note his rare 
visits home, than his goings abroad, since he seems to be 
forever roaming at large, whilst his arrivals at home are 
more like angels' visits. He is the Indian Agent, in 
fact, during these years. The President of the Province 
of Virginia, Honorable Thomas Lee, requests him to 
proceed to Onondago, in August, as usual, on Indian af- 
fairs. After an absence of two months he returns " in 
perfect health, on the first day of October." During 
this trip he visited his relatives and friends in the Prov- 
ince of New York, his earlier home, and recommends 
the nephew, John Picket, to the Mohawks as his suc- 
cessor, who resided about one mile from Canawadagy. 

In May, 1751, the Governor designed sending him 
on a second mission to Ohio. He answers, from Tul- 



76 THE LIFE OF 

pehocken, that his presence is more necessary, during 
the approaching Fall, at Albany, and suggests that sub- 
stitutes be sent, which request was granted him. In 
June, however, we find him already at Albany on offi- 
cial business, and in August at Philadelphia again, talk- 
ing Indian and English, as usual. 

In June, 1752, when Moravian missionaries designed 
to operate on the Six Nations and request suitable pass- 
ports, Conrad Weiser is first consulted in the matter, a 
circumstance which shows still more plainly how per- 
fectly the whole Indian territory, and all matters related 
thereto, lay under his hand. 

Governor Dinwiddle was. fearing the presages of the 
coming storm in 1753, and requests his presence at Al- 
bany in behalf of Virginia. He must needs go to the 
Mohawk country, too. He set out from his home in 
Heidelberg, July 24th ; arrives at New York by the 
first day of August — ^^ being taken ill, I sent my son 
Sammy with one Henry Van der Ham to Flushing, on 
Long Island, to wait on Governor Clinton to deliver 
Gov. Hamilton's letters. August 7th, took passage 
on board a sloop to Albany." By the close of August he 
returns to Philadelphia. At Carlisle a part of Septem- 
ber is spent with Chiefs of the Six Nations and other 
Tribes. Conrad Weiser and his Indian friends seemed 
to be flitting about, here, there and everywhere. 

But the spare days at home were devoted no less 
zealously to improvements. He subscribes to a petition 
for a highway from Reading to Easton. And, as if the 
man had not a sufficient number of burdens on his 
shoulders, a company of benevolent men of London, 
forming a scheme for the instruction of German youths, 



CONRAD WEISER. 77 

constituted a General Board of Trustees for its execu- 
tion, in which the following list of names was made to 
stand : 

Gov. James Hamilton, Chief Justice Allen, Richard 
Peters, Secretary of the Province, Benjamin Franklin, 
Esq., Conrad Weiser and Rev. William Smith, D. D. 
The Reverend Michael Schlatter was constituted Visitor 
General by the Board. 

The wonder is that the man did not succumb under 
the heavy load before this date. We merely sketched 
his shiftings, from one to several hundred miles distant, 
his trials, duties and labors. But the mere recital is al- 
ready fearful. Hardly any one of his cotemporaries 
held out so long, even under less pressure. Men of his 
own race retire and die. The hardy Indian, indeed, 
bends his back and bows his head. Still he clings to 
life and dutv. 



78 THE LIFE OF 



CHAPTER XV. 



THE FRENCH AND INDIAN WAR. CONRAD WEISER, 

SUPERINTENDENT OF THE INDIAN BUREAU. 

COLONEL. HIS DEATH OFFICIALLY 

ANNOUNCED. 1754-1760. 



King William's (1689-1697), Queen Anne's (1702- 
1713) and King George's war (1744-1748) were fol- 
lowed by the French and Indian war, which extended 
its bloody trail from 1754 to 1763. The cause of the 
last season of carnage was, the region west of the Alle- 
gheny mountains, along the Ohio river. The French 
territory bent around from Quebec to New Orleans. 
The English occupied a narrow strip along the coast 
one thousand miles in length. 

^^ As unto the bow the cord is," so these tracts were 
the one to the other. Both parties claimed the disputed 
ground, regardless of the Indians, who were the real 
proprietors after all. The French encroached on Eng- 
lish parts by breaking up old forts long established and 
planting new ones. Early in the Spring they became 
still more aggressive at Port Qu Quesne (Pittsburg), 
which was the'key to the region west of the Alleghenies. 
As long as this point was held by them, Virginia and 
Pennsylvania were a battle-field. The Colonies spent 
$16,000,000 in this war, and suffered such horrid In- 
dian cruelties as never were and never will be told. 

Washington and Braddock were the principal figures 



CONRAD WEISER. 79 

on the field ; Benjamin Franklin was the central head in 
the Provincial Cabinet, and Conrad Weiser was Super- 
intendent of the Indian Department. In April, 1754, 
the Governor sent Conrad Weiser to Shamokin, on a 
mission of inquiry and conciliation among the Chiefs 
over some of the Six Nations. In June he accompanies 
Benjamin Franklin to Albany. These are some of Gov- 
ernor Hamilton's words : " I have, agreeably to your 
desire, sent Mr. Weiser, with the Commissioners, and 
directed him to do you all the service in his power, 
which he professes most willingly to do; and only re- 
quests that he may not be made use of as a principal In- 
terpreter, inasmuch as from a disuse of the language he 
is no longer master of that fluency he formerly had, and, 
finding himself at a loss of proper terms to express him- 
self, is frequently obliged to niake use of circumlocu- 
tion, which would pique his pride in the view of so con- 
siderable an audience. He says he understands the lan- 
guage perfectly when he hears it spoken, and will at all 
times attend and use his endeavor that whatever is said 
by the Indians be truly interpreted to the gentlemen. 
And in this respect I really think you may securely rely 
on his good sense and integrity.'' 

This Council at Albany, lasting through June, July 
and part of August, was a very important one. Here 
the first ^ Plan of Union' for the Colonies was suggested ; 
more lands were purchased from the Indians and Deeds 
executed, to which instruments the names of Franklin, 
Weiser and others were subscribed. 

In August he is sent to Aucquick, to learn the mind 
and relations of the Indian dwellers there. In Decem- 
ber he aids the Governor in framing suitable messages 
to the Tribes. 



80 THE LIFE OF 

In the beginning of 1755 (January) he is sent for 
" by express'' to come to Philadelphia. Let it be borne 
in mind that " by express" did not mean a swift and 
easy-going air passage, but, at best, on horseback — 
which again meant, to go on foot by more than half the 
distance, leading the horse by the bridle. The Mohawks 
had brought news touching the Connecticut people, and 
Conrad Weiser was needed to talk it over. In June we 
find him to have been engaged in providing for his In- 
dian friends, some forty-five miles above Shamokin, on 
the north-west branch of the Susquehanna. John Har- 
ris demands his presence, likewise, at this time on ac- 
count of savage depredations. So, too, in July follow- 
ing, whilst acting in the capacity of a quarter-master for 
some needy Indians, the presence of the Owendotts at 
Philadelphia called him "by express'' thither. 

One would think that when the country had been in 
such a state of unrest, no one would be likely to dream 
of a religious conspiracy. Still, no less than five Jus- 
tices of Berks county subscribed to a prayer, addressed 
to the Council, asking that a certain Catholic Chapel at 
Goshenhoppen be looked after, since there were rumors 
of Indians occupying it with arms. After some little 
inquiry it was found that there seemed to be but little 
foundation for such a rumor. 

During this period, when sent for to come to Phila- 
delphia in haste, he reports himself as indisposed. This 
is the second time that he complains of being unwell. 
He sends his son, Samuel, as a substitute, who had pre- 
viously accompanied him on some of his expeditions. 
In August he is promptly at his post again, attending 
no less than three different Conferences. In September 



CONRAD WEISER. 81 

Governor Morris sends him to Harris' Ferry. The 
month of October he spends at home, though his sons, 
Frederick and Peter, had to go to Shamokin in his 
stead. His household seems to have been in the employ 
of the Province, as well as he. 

On the 31st day of October Governor Morris for- 
wards on his commission as ^ Colonel.' He accompanies 
the letter with some complimentary words : " I heartily 
commend your conduct and zeal, and hope you will 
continue to act with the same vigor and caution that 
you have already done, and that you may have a greater 
authority, I have appointed you a Colonel by a commis- 
sion herewith. I have not time to give you any in- 
structions with the commission, but leave it to your 
judgment and discretion, which I know are great, to do 
what is most for the safety of the people and service ol 
the crown." Was this not a Carte-Blanche ? 

No one will imagine Conrad Weiser to have proven 
a mere ornamental Colonel, verily. He commanded a 
Regiment of volunteers from the county of Berks, and 
had command over the Second Battalion of the Penn- 
sylvania Regiment, consisting of nine Companies. '^ He 
exerted himself by day and night, in the protection of 
his suflPering neighbors and fellow-citizens, and repelling 
the savage Indians in their incursions. He was vigi- 
lant, brave and active, in the full sense of the terms. 
A number of forts and block houses were erected under 
his directions, on the frontiers of Lancaster and Berks. 
* * * He distributed his companies very judiciously 
— stationing one company at Fort Augusta, one at 
Hunter's Mills, seven miles above Harrisburg, on the 
Susquehanna ; one-half company on the Swatara, at the 
6 



82 THE LII^E OF 

foot of the North Mountain ; one company and a half 
at Fort Henry, close to the ^ap of the mountain, called 
the Tolhea Gap ; one company at Fort William, near 
the forks of the Schuylkill river, six miles beyond the 
mountain ; one company at Fort Allen, erected by Ben- 
jamin Franklin, at Gnadenhueten, on the Lehigh ; the 
other three companies were scattered between the rivers 
Lehigh and Delaware, at the dis])ositions of the Cap- 
tains, some at farm houses, others at mills, from three 
to twenty at a place/' — {Rupp.) 

But though a Colonel in active service, he dare not 
absent himself from the many Conferences and Treaty- 
makings Avhich were being held at short intervals dur- 
ing these years. In Xovember, 1755, he is in Phila- 
delphia, with two hard cases on his hands — Scarrozady 
and drunken Tigrea. Here is a specimen of a speech : 

" We tell you the French have a numerous alliance 
of other Indians, as well as the Delawares, in this war." 

(Danced the war dance.) 

"When Washington was defeated, we, the Dela- 
wares, were blamed as the cause of it. We will now 
kill. We will not be blamed without a cause. We 
make up three parties of Delawares. One party will go 
against Carlisle, one down the Susquehanna, and I my- 
self, with another party, will go against Tulpehocken, 
to Conrad Weiser." 

The revolted Delawares caused much anxiety to the 
Government, and Conrad Weiser was the only man who 
could eifect anything with them. In December his let- 
ters and reports were forwarded, and tluis another year 
came to its close. 

Harris' Ferry claims his services during January of 



CONRAD WEISER. 83 

1756. He accompanies Governor Morris and James 
Logan to Carlisle, during the same month, where a Con- 
ference was held. Back again to Harris' Ferry and 
Philadelphia in February. A good part of July is 
spent at Easton. Certain insinuations in Christian Sow- 
ers' paper, at Germantown, to the effect that the ill-will 
of the Indians had been excited by the dishonest and 
covetuous spirit of the Government, offends his honor, 
in September, for which he reports the editor and wants 
him punished. It turned out not quite as bad as he had 
thought, however, and he and Sowers were fast friends 
to the end of his life. 

In October Shayetowah, John Shekallamy's brother, 
complains of having lost his friend Conrad Weiser, be- 
fore the Board, and expresses a strong inclination to see 
him again. He might have seen him on this occasion, 
but, alas ! — the old Interpreter is unwell for the third 
time. He could not travel, though asked to come ^by 
express.' Long exposure and age are beginning to tell, 
for he is now in his sixtieth year. His son, Samuel, is 
his proxy again, who, by the way, is styled "Captain 
Sam.'' But in November he had recruited and g-oes to 
Easton. 

The Indians desire a Council to be held there, and 
Conrad Weiser so arranged it. The Governor did not 
fancy to go abroad and thought it unnecessary to gratify 
such whims of theirs. But Conrad knew better, and the 
proposed Council was held, which proved an important 
one, lasting nearly three weeks. 

During this year he took up his residence in Head- 
ing, at the corner of Penn and Callowhill streets. In 
old times it was the principal hotel in the place. " Here," 



S4 THE LIFE OF 

says the Reading Times, " the war song of the savage 
was sung, the war dance Avound down and the calumet 
of peace finally smoked." The house was built in 1751 
and known as the ^Wigwam.' Many a Conference was 
held within its walls, and Treaties effected under its 
roof, in the old Indian Agent's day. The walls are 
still standing up to the second story. 

In 1757 he, with Logan, prepared the Governor's 
message to the Six Nations. In May he does the same 
service for a Council Member, Crogham, who undertook 
the task of replying to the Delaware Indians, but failed. 
The condition of the frontier settlers was truly de- 
plorable at this period. Sickness and savages made 
their lot a hard one, indeed. Appeals to the Govern- 
ment were made, but a deaf ear was turned to their cries. 
The following appeal we copy from Rupp's History of 
Berks and Lebanon Counties : 

^^Die hintern Einwohner zu Dopehocken bitten um 
eine Beysteurer, dasz sie mehr Wacten bezahlen kennen 
zu ihrer Sicherheit, weil die Festungen so weit ausein- 
ander liegen und die Yoelcker drinnen wenig Dienste 
thunn. Wer willen ist etwas zu steuern, der kann es ab- 
legen in Lancaster bei Herrn Oterbein, und Herrn Gerock, 
Luth. Pred. ; in New Hanover und Providentz by Mr. 
Muehlenberg and Leydig ; in Madetsche by Dr. Abra- 
ham AVagner ; in Goschenhoppen by Mr. Michael 
Reyer ; in Germantown by Christoph Sauer, Sr., und in 
Philadelphia bey Hr. Hundshuh, und dabey schreiben, 
wie viel gegeben worden ; und diese koennen es ueber- 
senden an Col. Conrad Weiser ; oder Peter Spycher, oder 
an Hr. Kurtz, wie es einem Jeden beliebt. 

"Diejenigen, welche in Ruhe und Sicherheit ihre 



CONRAD WEISER. 85 

Erndte haben koennen schneiden und heimbringen, ha- 
ben Ursache, Gott davor zu danken/' 

That Conrad Weiser coukl not please every Indian 
may be seen from the following remarks of Teedyus- 
cung, a Delawarian Chief, uttered in the month of July : 

^^ I was deceived by Conrad Weiser, who promised 
to give me notice (to call on the Governor), but he 
broke his word with me. And if he could do it in this 
instance, he may do it in another." 

The Governor plead a misunderstanding, and begged 
the Chief to suspend judgment till an explanation could 
be had. This occurred at Easton, where a protracted 
Council was held, and resulted in a Treaty. At a meet- 
ing of the Board, September 12th, Mr. Weiser was or- 
dered to build a house for the Delaware Indians at Wy- 
oming. The blpody-minded Teedyuscung was inclined 
to have a price fixed for scalps. By request, Conrad 
Weiser uttered his mind on the subject in these words : 
" It is my humble opinion that no encouragement should 
be given to the Indians for scalps, for fear we must then 
pay for our own scalps, and those of our fellow sub- 
jects, as will certainly be the case. Allow as much for 
prisoners as you please — rather more than Avas in- 
tended." He ever remained a humane man, though 
among the savages for a lifetime. 

As to building a house at Wyoming, he seemed to 
be in doubt. At all events, he was unwilling to attend 
to it. ^' I am in a very low state of health, and cannot, 
without great hazard, undertake any journey." 

Previous to this writing we find him, during 1757, 
at a Treaty-making in Lancaster, in May, and also again 
in Easton, in Aiigust. His rare appearance, during the 



86 THE LIFE OF 

last two years, is explained by the part of the letter 
just quoted. It seems odd to the eye, that has accus- 
tomed itself to find his name on so many successive 
pages, now to find strange names, now of this man, then 
of that one, in his familiar room. But all things end. 

In 1760 the Indian Agents at Fort Augusta inform 
the Council that John Shekallamy is anxious to see 
Conrad Weiser. The Secretary had written to him and 
asked him to take the trouble upon himself to go to 
Shamokin. The answer was that he could not go, but 
that he would send his son Samuel. And lo I his name 
appears never again as Interpreter. 

There is a record, though, which we extract from the 
minutes of an Indian Conference held at Easton, and 
insert, as in good ^^lace, here. It bears the date August 
3d, 1761, and reads thus : 

" Seneca George stood up and spoke as follows : 

'' Brother Onas : We, the Seven Nations, and our 
cousins are at a great loss and sit in darkness, as well as 
you, by the death of Conrad Weiser, as since his death 
we cannot so well understand one another. By this 
belt we cover his body with bark. 

" Brother Onas : Having taken notice of the death 
of Conrad Weiser, and the darkness it has occasioned 
amongst us, I now by this belt raise up another Inter- 
preter, by whose assistance we may understand one an- 
other clearly. You know that in former times, when 
men grew old and died, we used to put others in their 
places. Now, as Conrad Weiser (who was a great man, 
and one-half a Seven Nation Indian and one-half an 
Englishman) is dead, we recommend it to the Governor 
to appoint his son (pointing to Samuel, then present) to 



CONRAD WEISER. 87 

succeed him as an Interpreter, and, to take care of the 
Seven Nations and their cousins." 

The Governor, James Hamilton, answered : "Breth- 
ren : We are very sensible, with you, that both of us 
have sustained a very heavy loss by the death of our old 
and good friend, Conrad Weiser, who was an able, ex- 
perienced and faithful Interpreter, and one of the Coun- 
cil of the Seven Nations ; and that since his death Ave, 
as well as you, have sat in darkness, and are at a great 
loss for want of well understanding what we say to one 
another. We mourn with you for his death, and heartily 
join in covering his body with bark. 

"Brethren : Having thus paid our regards to our 
deceased friend, Ave cannot but observe Avith you, that 
there is a necessity of appointing some other person to 
succeed him, by whose assistance we may be enabled to 
find the true sense and meaning of Avhat there may be 
occasion to say to one another, either in Council, or by 
letters or messages. 

"Brethren: In conformity to the ancient custom of 
taking from among the relations of any man Avho dies, 
some fit person to supply his place (as Mr. Weiser Avas 
by adoption one of the Six Nations, though by birth one 
of us), we think you did Avell to cast your eyes upon one 
of his children ; and, inasmuch as Samuel Weiser is the 
only one amongst them Avho has any knoAvledge of the 
Indian language, and has lived among you, Ave shall be 
glad to make trial of him for the present, and if Ave find 
him capable of serving in the office of Interpreter and 
in the management of Indian affairs (in both Avhich ca- 
pacities his father so AA^ell acquitted himself), Ave shall 
appoint him to that service. We look upon this choice 



88 THE LIFE OF 

of yours as a mark of your grateful affection for Conrad 
Weiser, who was always your sincere friend, and we 
join this belt to yours in token of our concurrence as far 
as to make trial of him." 

In a letter of Secretary Peters, dated Feb. 12, 1761, 
Philadelphia, we read : " Poor Mr. Weiser is no more ; 
he died suddenly in the summer, and has not left any 
one to fill his place as Provincial Interpreter. His son, 
Samuel, has almost forgotten what little he knew." 

Thus closes his Indian record. From 1724 to the 
end of his life he had been among, and in almost daily 
intercourse with the Indians, a period extending over 
forty-six years. 

If Thomas Jefferson felt prompted to say of I^ewis 
and Clarke and their brave companions, that they ^^ de- 
served well of their country," who (from 1804-6) per- 
formed a journey of 3,000 miles, through an unexplored 
portion of the Continent, covered with Indian Tribes, 
we need not hesitate to affirm the same of Conrad Wei- 
ser, who did a greater thing, and in a still more difficult 
era of the country's history. In imitation of Charles 
Lamb we say : 

*' When mortals, such as he was, die, 
Their place we may not well supply, 
Though we among a thousand try. 
With vain endeavor." 



CONRAD WEISER. 89 



CHAPTER XVI. 



CONRAD WEISER\s FAILING HEALTH. HIS DEATH. 
HIS BURIAL-PLACE. 



During the last five years of his busy and trying 
life, Conrad Weiser showed signs of a wearing down and 
coming dissolution. On several occasions he could not 
respond to the call of Government, as we have seen, be- 
cause of indisposition. When he was appointed Colonel 
in 1755, he was infirm — too much so to discharge the 
onerous duties of the office, one may say. His son-in- 
law says : ^^ Er war schon alt an Jahren, schwach an Lei- 
beshraeften, etcJ^ And yet, though verging on sixty, he 
seemed to perform with vigor and promptness all the 
functions of Interpreter, Justice and Soldier. He had 
lived too long and well to succumb at once. Men may 
not die when they will, nor always when they might. 
The sad privilege of shortening one's life implies the 
prerogative of lengthening it, too, in a measure. We 
may master circumstances to a degree, even though we 
are mastered by them finally. The state of his health 
had already indicated an abandonment of public life, 
when the burdens of a Colonelcy were imposed upon 
him ; but the pressure from without and the patriotic 
impulse from within did not permit him to give up and 
retire. 

However, all things end in this world, and we speak 
of the mighty as fallen, sooner or later. On September 



90 THE LIFE OF 

19, 1759, he writes : '^I am in a very low state of health, 
and cannot, without great hazard, undertake any jour- 
ney. '^ On the 24th day of the following November he 
signs and seals his last will and testament, an act in 
which man shows that he has learned to know himself 
a mortal. How plainly the confession is embodied in 
the adjunct ''last!'' 

On the 12th day of July, 1760, eight months later, 
on a Saturday, as he left his home in Reading, in his 
average health, he was seized by a violent attack of colic, 
which ended his life on the following Sunday (Kith), 
about the hour of noon. Thus died Conrad Wciser, July 
13, 1760, on his farm at Womelsdorf. On the 15th, the 
Rev. John Nicholas Kurtz, Lutheran Pastor at Tulpe- 
hocken, Lebanon county, preached his funeral discourse 
on the two-fold text in Genesis 15:15, and Psalm 
84 : 11-12 : " And thou shalt go to thy fathers in peace ; 
thou shalt he buried in a good old age."" — '' For the Lord 
God is a sun and shield : the Lord will give grace and 
glory : no good thing will He withhold from them that 
walk uprightly. Lord of hosts, blessed is the man that 
trusteth in Thee.'' 

Unfortunately Conrad Weiser owned a private bu- 
rying-ground, in which his mortal remains were interred. 
The spot lies one-half mile east of the town of Womels- 
dorf, south of the turnpike-road. A rough-hewn sand- 
stone, single and alone, stands over his dust. The fol- 
lowing epitaph may, with difficulty, be deciphered : 
'' Dies ist die 
Ruhe Stsette des 
weyl. Ehren geachteten M. Conrad Weiser; derselbige 
ist gebohren 1696 den 2. November in Afst^et im 



CONRAD WEISER. 91 

Amt Herrenberg iin Wittenberger Lande, und gestorben 
1760 den 13. Julius, ist 
alt wordeii 63 Jahr, 
8 Monat und 13 Tag/' 

Pastor Muhlenberg is probably the framer of this in- 
scription. 

It is held as true, that Indians frequently visited his 
tomb, for many years after, out of affectionate regard for 
their old friend. 

I. D. Rupp, Esq., says he " visited the grave of Wei- 
ser, February 21, 1844, and was pained to see no en- 
closure or fence around the grave of so great and good a 
man." For the letter " M." in his epitaph we cannot 
account — if it is really an if. Our ancestors told us it 
stood for the German term Mann — des geachteten 3Ian- 
nes, etc. 

A desolate tomb is a sad spectacle — but only for 
mortals, who see where they must shortly lie. Blessed 
are the dead, who heed it not. 

Neither do the weight and shadows of great monu- 
ments contribute anything towards an immortality. 
There is no life in a stone, and it can create none. Pil- 
lars and shafts have never yet immortalized a dead man, 
though they do oftentimes entomb him all the more. 
The * living dead' die no more, whilst the ' buried dead' 
are forgotten, even if the stone remain — to tell how dead 
they are. The Pyramids endure, but who may tell the 
Pharaohs in and underneath ? The dust of Priestly lay 
long quite unostentatiously at Northumberland ; yet his 
disciples could ever find it. Governor Simon Snyder's 
ashes are covered by a low prostrate marble, at Selins- 
grove, without line or letter of an epitaph, and still his 



92 THE LIFE OF 

grave is known. Only the ^dwellers in tombs' need 
imposing sentinels, less we know not Avhere Ave tread. 

Of what avail, then, are monuments? They ought 
to he planted as disinterested testimonials to worth and 
virtue. As proofs of an immortality, rather than as 
promoters of it, we value them. When they are chal- 
lenged, more than imposed, are they appropriate only. 
As marks of the habitation of distinguished dust, they are 
not a mockery. There is a kinship between the mounds, 
manes and men, which Pagans, Mahommedans, Jews 
and Christians feel and acknowledge ; and this bond the 
flame of cremation, even, may not dissolve. 

After a little while and the grave of Conrad Weiser 
can no longer be known by Indian or white man. Some 
becoming mark there should be, on which to engrave the 
almost obliterated inscription : 

" This is the 

resting-place of 

the once honored and t'espected 

Conrad Weiser, 

ivho teas born November 2d, A. D. 1696, 

in Afstaedt, County of Herrenberg, Wuertemberg, 

and died July ISth, A. D. 1760, 

aged 63 years, 8 months and 13 days.^' 

A respectable citizen of Womelsdorf writes : " If 

any man in Berks county deserves a monument, it is 

Conrad Weiser." 



CONRAD WEISER. 93 



CHAPTER XVII. 



CONRAD AVEISER A8 A RELIGIOUS CHARACTER. 



Conrad Weiser was a Lutheran von Hems am. His 
ancestry had been born and reared in this persuasion. 
He forgets not to tell us of his baptism at Kueppingen. 
The Reverend Christopher Bookenmeyer, Lutheran min- 
ister, baptized a number of his children. But back of 
that formation, which tradition and education had es- 
tablished in his constitution, lay a sensitive and deep 
religious temperament, inherited, perhaps, from his ex- 
cellent mother, which began to manifest itself already in 
early childhood, became more and more apparent in the 
period of youth, and remained patent during his long 
and trying man-age. In his manuscript-record he 
adopted the habit of crowning every paragraph with apt 
and pointed scriptural selections, which betrays the spirit 
that animated his soul. In his fifteenth year he said : 
" I became so much attached to my Bible that I looked 
upon it as my comfort, and it became my book of de- 
light." We feel like denominating him a religious en- 
thusiast, and that of the Pietistic order. The hymns of 
his composition are of this tenor. Hence it was that his 
piety carried him again and again beyond his denomina- 
tional setting. Whether it was because of the fact that 
his beloved Anna Eva had been of the Reformed Church, 
or because he was more partial to Pastor Haegar than to 
Parson Kocherthal, we have it, at all events, over his 



94 THE LIFE OF 

own hand, that he was given in marriage by the Re- 
formed clergyman, at Schoharie. 

We know little of significance, touching his religious 
history, until we find him at Tulpehocken, some six 
years. In the year 1735 his enthusiasm breaks forth in 
a noteworthy manner. The advent of Conrad Beisel, a 
bogus monk and founder of the German Seventh Day 
Baptists, marks an epoch in his spiritual life. The un- 
settled and formal condition of the Germanic Churches 
in Pennsylvania had doubtless told most sadly on the 
morals and religion of their membership. An excite- 
ment was challenged, produced and fostered. Beisel 
placed his ^^candle-stick in the benighted region of Tul- 
pehocken," and with the aid of his sanguine disciples 
succeeded in creating an awakening. John Peter Mil- 
ler, a Reformed Missionary from the Palatinate, in 1726, 
officiated as Pastor in Tulpehocken at this period. He 
and his Elders and prominent members, as well as Con- 
rad Weiser and his Lutheran associates, devoted them- 
selves heartily to the work of ' Revival,' and were them- 
selves eddied into and engulfed by it. During May of 
1735 Pastor Miller, Conrad Weiser, the Chorister, three 
Elders of the Tulpehocken Church, and a number of 
family-heads were initiated into the Association by im- 
mersion. This episode is as ^the fly in the ointment,' 
in the otherwise fair life of the man and hero ; and be- 
comes especially objectionable in view of the radicalism 
with which he pursued his new and pseudo religion, to 
the injury of his former creed. On a certain day Mil- 
ler, Weiser and others assembled at the house of God- 
fried Fidler's, and after having collected the Heidelberg 
Catechism, Luther's Catechism, the Psalter and several 



CONRAD WEISER. 95 

other time-honored Books of Devotion, burned them to 
ashes. Like all perverts from the faith of their fore- 
fathers, he showed his love and zeal for bis adopted fa- 
naticism, not so much in deeds of charity and proofs of 
regeneration, as by dishonoring the parental theory and 
practice by which he came to a knowledge of fundamen- 
tal truth pertaining to God, and man's relation to Him. 
There is a genuine conversion possible for man, and 
such a radical one, too, as involves a very antipodal po- 
sition to the one previously occupied ; but in all cases 
of genuine revolutions of this kind, a convert will not 
feel himself obliged to transgress Hhe first command- 
ment with promise' by kicking his spiritual mother. 
Such conduct argues a perversion, rather than a conver- 
sion, in every instance. John Philip Boehm, Reformed 
Pastor in Whitpain township, Philadelphia county, in 
his blast against the Baptists, and efforts of Count 
Zinzendorf, in 1742, says with much sarcasm of Conrad 
AVeiser : " Der ist, wle die gemeine Sage ist, ein ^ Justice J 
* '^ * Unci es ist noch nicht behinnt worden, dctsz er, 
seit der Zeit, durch Buse widergekehrd and sich ividerum 
zu seiner vorhin gehabten Lutherischen Religion verfuegetJ' 
His fall may be somewhat mitigated by the fact, that 
Pastor Miller, who had been an educated and zealous 
laborer in the Church and a student from the University 
of Heidelberg, led the way from home. The shepherd 
led the sheep astray. But this only for a short season. 
Conrad Weiser held out but for a very brief period in 
his new quarters, as Beisel writes : '' He was soon en- 
trapped in the net of his own wisdom." This imitation 
monk liad forebodings, it seems, already from the start, 
of his coming apostasy, in consequence of some curious 



96 . THE LIFE OF 

pedal examination he had made ; had warned him, ac- 
cordingly, of the peculiar temptation to which he stood 
exposed, and endeavored to prevent the relapse. " But, 
in spite of all this caution he fell a victim to the blood- 
thirsty avenger. Yea, though he had subjected himself 
to a most vigorous penance, which completely emaciated 
him, and suffered his beard to grow to such a length 
that no one knew him any longer, and had voluntarily 
contributed of his possessions for the furtherance of the 
Society's welfare — still, he fell away.^' 

But, after going so far from home, it is hardly possi- 
ble to again arrive there in so short a time. The breth- 
ren of the homestead will, at all events, not hold them 
above suspicion. Hence we may term Conrad Weiser a 
sort of religious vagrant, ever after. His spiritual ac- 
tivity seems to be all circumference without centre. He 
is all things to all men, without being anything to him- 
self, in a religious sense — perhaps as dangerous a spir- 
itual state as one can well occupy. 

In 1738 his ardor and zeal are enlisted in the grand 
ideal of converting the Indians, in company with Bishop 
Spangenberger, David Zeisberger and Shebosch, Mora- 
vian Missionaries. Like a full -built herald of the cross 
he accompanies them to Onondago. So, too, he becomes 
a willing yoke-fellow to Count Zinzendorf, in 1742, on 
a similar errand to Bethlehem, Shamokin and Philadel- 
phia. He was so full of the Moravian spirit just now, 
that he instructed Pyrlacus, Buettner and Zander in the 
Mohawk tongue, in order to qualify them to preach the 
Gospel among the Iroquois. Once he writes of the suc- 
cess of this movement in these words : " I thought my- 
self seated in a company of primitive Christians." 



CONRAD wp:rsER. 97 

But ill 1 743 his ardor seems to cool iu this direction, 
too. A Providential man appears on the American ter- 
ritory, who brings the erring man back to the Church of 
his fathers. The Rev. Plenry Melchior Muhlenberg, 
D. D., who had emigrated in 1742 as the Apostle of 
Lutheranism in America, visited the Tulpehocken re- 
gion in 1743. Doubtless both Muhlenberg and Weiser 
found in each other something of comple mental parts. 
They learned to know and esteem one another at once. 
Their friendship ripened into a relationship — that of fa- 
ther-in-law and son-in-law. This is very delicately told 
by the Lutheran Patriarch after this manner: ^^ lin Jahr 
1743 ward unser Freimd, Conrad Weiser ^ bekannt nut 
dem erden hereingesandten Deutschen EvangeUschen Pre- 
dlger, geiaann ihn und seine Lehre lieb und gab ihm 1 745 
seine aeUeste Tochter zur Ehegenossin. Diese F^'eund- 
schafts- Verbindiing verursoxihte dann imd wann einen Be- 
siwh und eine anhaltende Ccyrrespondenz ; beide wurden, 
so viel Gott Gnaden verlieheny auf die Seelen-Erbauung 
gerichtetj ivobei er verschiedene Jahre ziemlich munter und 
lebhaft ini Glauben schien. Die heilige Bibel tear ihm 
dnrch und durch bekannt J^ 

The influence of his illustrious son-in-law unques- 
tionably did much towards restoring the spiritually way- 
ward man to his proper equilibrium. We hear no more 
of his religious wandering. But to steady and properly 
root again one who has so fearfully uprooted himself is 
no easy matter. We fear Conrad Weiser was never 
himself again since his Beisel experience. Pastor Muh- 
lenberg's Avords in reference to the close of his father-in- 
law's career have an ambiguous ring. Hear and judge : 

^' Als aber der gef^ehrliche Krieg in diesem Theile 
7 



98 THE LIFE OF 

der Welt zwischen den Franzosen und England aus- 
brach und unsere benachbarten wilden Nationen nieist 
bundbruechig worden, den Feinden zufielen und unsere 
Grenzen vervvuesteten, gerieth Conrad Weiser in neue 
Versuchungen. Die Landes Obrigkeit verordnete ihn 
zum Obrist Leutnant. Die Aemter sind liier bisweilen 
nur fuer Personen, und die Personen nicht fuer die 
Aemter ge-schaffen. 

" Und weil man seiner nun besonders in diesen Um- 
staenden benoethigt war und ihni noch viel mehr Muehe 
und Last auflegen wollte, so sollte das Salarium einst 
Obrist Leutnants Alles ersetzen. . . . Diese Bedien- 
ung, Charge, oder Last, wie man es nennen mag, that 
ihm und seinen Kindern mehr Schaden an Seel und 
Leib, als einiger zuvor. Er war schon alt an Jahren, 
schwach an Leibeskrseften, der haiusliclien Pflege ge- 
wohnt, muszte viel abwesend von Hans sein und audi 
oft mit den Vornehraen in der Stadt und europseisehen 
Kriegshelden wegen den Indianer Sachen conferiren. 

"Der allergnsedigste und erbarmungs voile Mittler 
und Mens(;henfreund, der nicht Lust hat an des Men- 
schenverderben, erhielt sein natuerliches Leben bis fast 
zum Ende des wunderlichen Krieoes, und verlieh ihm 
noch eine besondere Gnadenfrist, so dasz er Zeit hatte, 
sich zu recoil igiren ; im Blute des Lammes die Befleck- 
ung des Geistes abzuthun, seine Kleider hell zu machen, 
seine Seeligkeit mif Furcht und Zittern zu schaifen und 
ein gnsediges Ende zu erwarten. Es kostet gewisz viel, 
ein Christ zu sein und zu bleiben." 

The weather-vane character of his creed is still fur- 
ther proclaimed by the two items following, which we 
find entered in the Bible of onr late father, to wit: 



CONRAD WEISER. 99 

a) During the razing and rebuilding of the Re- 
formed Church edifice at Reading, Berks county, the 
name of Conrad Weiser was found on the list of the 
Building Committee. 

b) From a letter of Bishop Spangenberg, dated Toa- 
mencin, Montgomery county, Nov. 8, 1737, we gather 
this extract : " I have made tlie acquaintance of a cer- 
tain man, Conrad Weiser, who was nurtured in the faith 
of the Reformed Church, but who has for some time 
been identified with the Seventh Day Baptists." 



100 THE LIFE OF 



CHAPTER XVIII 



CONRAD WEISER's WILL. HIS POSSESSIONS. HIS SONS 
AND DAUGHTERS. HIS POSTERITY. 



Conrad Weiser had been of a prolific ancestry, and 
was himself the father of fifteen children, eight of whom 
seem to have died in their minority years. His seven 
surviving ones, made mention of in his last Will and 
Testament, were : Philip, Frederick, Samuel, Benjamin, 
Peter, Anna Maria and Margaret. 

Their father having died, possessed of nearly one 
thousand acres of land, which were by divise shared out 
among themselves, the sons naturally took to farming as 
their principal employment. The manner in which he 
disposed of his possessions, and to whom, we can best 
gather from his Will : 

^'In the name of God. Amen. I, Conrad AYeiser, 
of the town of Reading, in the county of Berks, in the 
Province of Pennsylvania, gentleman, being of perfect 
health of body and. of sound and disposing mind and 
memory (blessed be God for the same), yet consid- 
ering the uncertainty of human life and desirous to (pi it 
myself as far as i may of the cares of this world, do 
make this my last will and testament, hereby revoking 
and making void all other and former wills by me here- 
tofore made. Imprhnis. I do will and order that such 
debts as may be owing by me at the time of my decease 
with my funeral expenses be paid by my executors here- 



CONRAD A^^EISER. 101 

inafter named as soon as conveniently may be after my 
decease. Item. I give, devise and bequeath unto my 
beloved wife, Ann Eve, the messuage and lot whereon 
I now live in the town of Reading, to hold to her, my 
said wife, during the term of her natural life, and after 
my said wife's decease I will and order the said mes- 
suage and lot to be sold by my executors or the survivor 
or survivors of them for the best price can be had for 
the same, and the money arising from the sale thereof to 
be divided among all my children or their representa- 
tives, share and share alike. Item. I give, devise and 
bequeath unto my said wife Ann(e) and to her heirs for 
ever my lot of ground situate in Callowhili street, in the 
said town of Reading, marked in the plan of said town. 
No. 72. Item. I give and bequeath unto my said wife 
an annuity or yearly sum of twenty pounds (interest on) 
for and during her natural life, or until she marry again, 
to be paid as hereinafter directed. Item. I give and 
bequeath unto my said wife two of my best feather beds, 
of her own choice ; all my kitchen utensils, and the sum 
of fifty pounds, current money of Pennsylvania, to be 
paid to my said wife by my executors within one month 
after my decease, which I do declare to be in lieu of her 
dower and full discharge of all demands she may make 
on my estate. I give, devise and bequeath unto my 
four sons, Philip, Frederick, Samuel and Benjamin, that 
is to say to each of my said sons and his heirs for ever, 
the part of a share to him allotted in a Draft Plan 
signed with my own proper hand and to this will an- 
nexed of all that my plantation in Heidelberg, in the 
said county of Berks, and my several tracts of land ly- 
ing contigious, containing in the whole about eight hun- 



102 Till-: jJFi: OF 



drcd ;ind ninety acres, — tliey, my said sons, payinsi; each 
of them the snm of two hnndred and firty ponnds lawinl 
money of the said Province nnto my execntors, for the 
use hereinafter mentioned, witUin one year after my de- 



cease." 



Then follows the apportionments and payments, as 
per plan or draft. 

"Item. I give and bequeath unto my children, 
Philip, Frederick, Peter, Samuel, Benjamin, Maria Muh- 
lenberg and Margaret Pinker, all those my lands lying 
beyond the Kittochtany mountain, and all my grants or 
sights to lands lying beyond the same mountains, to be 
divided in manner following, that is to say (the UmkIs 
being described) with the Proviso — I do order and di- 
rect my executors to secure out of the whole ca])ital the 
annuity or yearly sum of twenty pounds hereinbefore 
bequeathed to my said wife in such manner as shall be 
agreeable to her and correspondent to this my will. And 
I do will and order that the shares of my children be 
})aid to them respectively within twelve months after my 
decease, or sooner if the same can conveniently be done. 
But if my son Benjamin should then be under age, it is 
my will and order that his brethren put the same to in- 
terest, and mortgage it to his best advantage during his 
minority." 

Other provisions follow relative to his grand-son, 
Israel Heintzelman. ^' Item. One hundred pounds out 
of the share allotted to his mother, whicjh shall be ])ut 
to interest and managed for his best advantage until he 
arrives at the age of twenty-one years, and then be })aid 
to him with the profits thereof, and the remaining ])art 
of my said daughter Margaret's share of the residuary 



CONRAD WEISER. 103 

part of ray estate, I do order and direct ray executors to 
j)ut the sarae to interest oa good security and pay her 
yearly the interest thereof during her natural life. Pro- 
vided, nevertheless, if my said daughter doth educate 
her children in the principles and jiccording to the rites 
of the Roman Church. In such case (or after the death 
of the said Margaret) it is ray will and I do order and 
direct my executors or the survivors of them, with the 
consent of my other children as soon as the same is 
manifest to them, to retain the interest of money of my 
said daughter's share and manage the same to the best 
advantage for the use of her children, to be paid to them 
in equal shares, together with the principal, as they shall 
respectively attain the age of twenty-one years. And I 
do constitute and appoint ray wife Ann(e) Eva and ray 
sons Peter and Samuel executors of this my last will and 
testament. In witness whereof I have hereunto set ray 
hand and seal this twenty-fourth day of November in 
the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and 
fifty-nine. 

Conrad Weiser. [Seal.] 

James Whitehead, 
Subscribing witnesses : Abraham Brossus, 

James Biddle." 
This will was sworn to by James Biddle and Abra- 
ham Brossus, July 31, 1760, on which day it was regis- 
tered, in the ''General Office, Reading, Berks County." 
''Letteis testamentary in common form under the 
seal of the said office on the will above written of the 
said Conrad Weiser were granted to Ann(e) Eve Wei- 
ser, Peter Weiser and Samuel Weiser therein named, they 
being first solemnly sworn thereto according to law." 



104 THE LIFE OF 

Inventory thereof to be exhibited on or before the 
31.st day of August and an account of their administra- 
tion wlien thereunto required. 

Registered and examined by James Reed. 

Tlie p]an or ex])]anation of tlie draft is appended. 

On the corner of Penn and Callowhill streets, Read- 
ing, stood Weiser's house, erected in 1751. It was for 
many years used as a wigwam, where the indians met 
for treaty. After his decease it was used as a dwelling- 
house and partly as a tavern up to 1798, when John 
Keim and sons commenced business as Iron and Hard- 
ware Merchants and was known as "The White Store," 
which they continued up to 1803 ; by G. B. D. Keim 
to 1810; by B. Keim until 1817 ; by G. B. D. Keim 
and liis son to 1837 ; by Keim and Stichter to 1841 ; 
by Stichter and McKnight to 1858, when it came in 
possession of the present proprietor, Mr. Jos. L. Stichter. 

The deed conveying the property from the executors 
of Conrad AVeiser to Wm. Bird is dated Sept. 30, 1795, 
and recites the deed granted by the Penn's in 1751 to 
Weiser. The consideration was £554, 5s., subject to a 
ground rent of 7s. Another conveys the same by Mark 
Bird and Mary Bird to Nicholas Keim (William having 
died intestate). Another, January 16, 1799, to John 
Keim. Another to G. B. D. Keim. There is also 
a quit claim deed from the attorney of the Penn's to G. 
B. D. Keim, 1826. Another deed, 1842, from G. B. 
D. Keim to Joseph L. Stichter and James McKnight 
for the same property. 

From the foregoing instrument it will be known 
that the sire left a goodly territory of land to be divideil 
among his children. From the good-will which the In- 



CONRAD WEISER. 105 

dians invariably cherished for him, as well as from the 
flatteriiin; recommendations which the authorities were 
ever ready to impress, as an imprimatur, on his official 
acts, we are warranted to l)elieve that Conrad Weiser 
came honestly by his thousand acres. Lieut. Governor 
Thomas says of him, April 25, 1743 : "Our Indian Inter- 
preter is a man of great pi'ohiU/ ^nd a thorough knowledge 
in Indian affairs.'^ We have the record of a fair nego- 
tiation and purchase of a good ])ortion of his possessions, 
besides, preserved in some of his letters. To Secretary 
Peters he writes, July 17, 1748: "As Mr. Parsons 
will (I hope) deliver this to you, with a draft of that 
piece of land he laid out for me, by your order (I find it 
is above 400 acres) he will cut off on the side of the hill, 
if you require it, so much as you shall think fit. But I 
would rather have it all, and pay to the Honorable Pro- 
prietors, as they (or you) shall think fit. I don't doubt 
but what their Honors will let me have it as soon as any 
other man. Therefore, I pray, let it be conveyed to me 
and I will do what will be required of me. The other 
small tract I had surveyed to me by Proprietary War- 
rant, on the usual conditions ; also the right of William 
Eonst to 37 acres joining. I would have a patent, for 
a good part is paid ; the rest I will pay before I take 
patent out of your or Mr. Lordner's hands." 

We are the more concerned to bring to light the way 
and manner by which Conrad Weiser came by such a 
large number of acres, for various reasons. First of all, 
no Indian Agent seems to be above suspicion, now-a- 
days especially. Furthermore, it has been w^hispered 
and insinuated through taking anecdotes, at all events, 
that our hero, too, as well as all other Indian traders, 



106 THE IJFE OF 

knew how to defraiul poor Ja). The story which has 
been orally perpetnated down to the day tliat now is, 
and which ever and anon crops forth in print, touching 
his wily procedure, is likely to confirm one in the belief 
that he was not clear of stratagem. It is of this tenor: 
"Shekallamy came to Conrad Weiser and informed him 
of his glorious dream." " 1 dreamed," said Shekallamy, 
''that Tarachawagon (AVeiser) had presented me with a 
rifle." Conrad, of course, handed over to his dusky 
friend the coveted weapon, suspecting all the while that 
Shekallamy had a dream — 'which was not all a dream.' 

A few days later Conrad Weiser had a dream, and 
told Shekallamy so. The Chief asked for its revelation. 
"I dreamed," said Tarachawagon, "that Shekallamy 
})resented me with the large and beautiful island nestled 
in the Susquehanna river." The non-plussed Chief at 
once made over his favorite island — the Isle of Que, — 
but added, " Conrad, let us never dream again !" 

We belive the whole to be a mere make-up. It is 
true, the Isle of Que, on which a part of Selinsgrove 
now stands, had been owned by the old Interpreter, and 
that it remained for one or two generations in the pos- 
session of his direct descendants ; but there is nothing to 
warrant us in saying that his title rested on a mere 
nightly speculation. On the other hand, it is true that 
Shekallamy had been a very ])oor Chief, so })oor that 
Conrad Weiser intercedes for him, as an object of charity, 
before the Council at Philadelphia. It is necessary, be- 
fore we may credit the story, to set aside all the testi- 
mony, volunteered from all parties of his day, in con- 
firmation of his uprightness, probity and honor. To ac- 
cept the good report which Conrad Weiser challenged 



CONRAD WFJSRR. 107 

for himself in his open, working; day, and in the same 
breath, as it were, to admit that he woukl rob an Indian 
Chief, in such a wholesajle manner, recommending him 
as a ])ensioner to the Gov^ernment besides — is absurd. 

We are more ready to trust a tradition which our 
hite father never tired of repeating, and runs thus : 

'^Conrad Weiser once sat resting on a log in his ex- 
tensive forest land. Presently an Indian, who had 
stealthily api>roached, squatted down hard by him. Con- 
rad moved aside somewhat ; the intruder pressed harder 
against him. Again Conrad granted more room ; but 
the Indian pres*sed still harder on him. Then Conrad 
demanded an explanation of his strange and rude pro- 
cedure. The Indian answered : ''Thus the whites did 
to the Indians. They lighted unbidden on our lands. 
We moved on ; they followed. We sti'il moved, and 
they still followed. We are moving onward now, and 
they are following after. Conrad, I will not push you 
from the log entirely. But will your people cease their 
crowding, e're we roll into the waters ?" This is at all 
events j)lausible. And if any of our readers desire some 
proof — let them look all around ! This is, in Indian 
phrase, more than ''the singing of a bird." It has 
abundant authenticity. 

We have not succeeded in tracing Conrad VVeiser's 
descendants to any satisfactory degree, either in line or 
locality. American life has not yet crystallized the 
family. Well-grounded facts, reliable traditions and le- 
gitimate inferences, nevertheless, lead us to believe that 
his sons quartered themselves on their paternal grounds 
originally, with the design of devoting themselves to 
farming, and from these several centres spread over the 



108 THE LIFE OF 

♦counties of Berks, Lebanon, Northumberland, and their 
offspring again into Dauphin, York, Franklin, Lehigh, 
Montgomery and Bucks, as well as into the States of 
New York and Ohio. His posterity has become quite 
large, and in more than one instance respectable and 
significant. 

All his sons inherited their sire^s glowing patriotism 
and gave ev^idence of it during the wars of their day. 
One was shot through the lungs, at the battle of Bran- 
dywine, but survived. It was frequently mentioned in 
our hearing that the brave man never realized his wound 
until his boot had filled with blood. The bullet was 
cfirried with him to his grave. We cannot tell which 
son he was, with certainty. 

Samuel, after having walked in the ways of his fa- 
ther for a while, both before and after Conrad's decease, 
abandoned forever the governmental and political arena. 
Of his cliildren we have learned nothing. 

Philip, who is said to have been the wounded sol- 
dier, settled on that part of the inheritance on which the 
town of Womelsdorf now stands — the homestead. His 
son, Jabeth, succeeded him, a daughter of whom (Mrs. 
Elizabeth Leivars)-f is now living at Hamburg, Pa. She 
was born June 16, 1788, and is doubtless the oldest sur- 
viving descendant of Conrad Weiser. She has in her 
possession a large silver spoon one hundred and fifty 
years old, which was une of a half dozen bought and 
presented to the daughter of Conrad Weiser, Mrs. INIuh- 
lenberg, as a l)ridal gift.* We are very sure of owning 
a mate to it ; but it puzzles us greatly to account for the 



■Note.— We are indebted for these particulars to the Rev 
W. F. P. Davis, of Reading, Pa. 
tSee Note A at end of Chapter. 



CONRAD WEISER. 109 

promiscuous distribution of the set, as well a.s lor its es- 
cape from the Muhlenberg household. 

Philip was the father of another son, Conrad, whose 
family-roll we are enabled to enter in full. He raised a 
group of twelve, four of whom died in younger years. 
The surviving eight children were Benjamin, Frederick, 
John Conrad, Daniel, Sophia (Schawber), Hannah 
(Rhoads), Mary (Holstein), Catherine (Bassler.) This 
grand-son of our hero located along the Susquehanna 
river, in what is now Snyder county, at Seliusgrove, a 
part of which town had once been known as Weisers- 
burg. The Rev. Dr. Daniel Weiser had been the '.r-st 
surviving member of this line. He died Decemt i 5*. 
1875. There are a number of grand and great-gnind- 
children of the third Conrad still living in that dv t? ict. 

The same Philip had also a third son, who bore his 
father^s name, of whose history we are not able to record 
anything. 

Benjamhiy the youngest son of the older Conrad, 
seems to have inherited the greater share of his father's 
roving propensity. He was pursued by the phantom of 
recovering on his sire's possessions in the State of New 
York. In a letter to Governor Simon Snyder, April 2, 
1788, he says in reference to the matter in prospect: 
^' Since I saw you last I saw a good deal of the world 
(that is, different sorts of people.) I was last summer 
at Mohawk river, but could not get matters settled to 
my mind. I might have gotten a considerable sum for 
my right, though. I shall now, in a few days, set off 
again, and am sure of having it done pretty nigh to my 
satisfaction." This letter had been written from Provi- 
dence, one of the points along the " shore of New Eng- 



110 THE LIFE OF 

land," where, according to Muhlenberg's words, his 
grand- father had wandered prior to his last visit to Penn- 
sylvania. 

For many long years the idea of reclaiming the 
Schoharie lands Avas entertained by some of Conrad 
Weiser's descendants. We are glad to record, though, 
that the same game of ^ dispossessing' the later occupants 
was not played on them, which caused such sorrow to 
the original squatters. " Besse^^ Unrecht zu leideUy ah 
imgerecht zu streiten." (See Note B at end of Chapter.) 

We have not been able to gather any notices of the 
other sons of Conrad Weiser, or of their posterity. Fe- 
ar and Fr^erick can, therefore, be but mentioned. 

Of the daughters we present some spare notes. The 

dest, Anna Maria, became the wife of the honored and 

! nerable Lutheran Patriarch, Rev. Dr. Henry Mel- 

ciiior Muhlenberg. The ramifications of his oi!'s])ring 

have not been furnished us. 

His second daughter, Margaret, became the wife of 
a Mr. Heintzelman, by her first marriage. Conrad 
Weiser, in a letter to Secretary Peters, May 19, 1755, 
says as nmch. Speaking of two Indian lads, he writes : 
" If you could prevail with Mr. Heintzelman, my son- 
in-law, for a few weeks' board with him, it would be 
agreeable to the lads, because my daughter is somewhat 
used to the Indians and understands here and there a 
word." 

In his Will he also makes mention of his grand-son, 
Israel Heintzelman. 

It appears, however, that she was left a widow be- 
fore the death of her father, and that, by a second mar- 
riage, she became Mrs, Finkcr. As he calls her "Mar- 



CONRAD WKIHKR. Ill 

garet Finker" in his testamentary instrument, it lia.s 
been surmised that she had entered upon her second 
widowhood ah-eady ])rior to the demise of Conrad Wei- 
ser. 

If a typographical error may not be inferred, we 
might fix the date of Mrs. Anna Eve Weiser's death on 
the 10th day of June, 1781, at the estimated age of 85 
years. Her remains are presumed to lie by those of her 
honored husband. 

With these spare and very unsatisfactory notes, 
touching the posterity of the subject of this memoir, we 
must rest content. Perhaps they may serve as an in- 
centive, in the minds of those who are more directly in- 
terested, to train up a Family Tree from the roots here 
inserted. 

P. S. Col. J. L. Stichter, Esq., of the city of Reading, 
the present proprietor of Conrad Weiser's homestead, now 
known as " The Wldte Store/^ addressed a letter to Col. 
J. Ross Snowden, Cor. Sec. of the Historical Society, 
Sept. 1, 1869, from which we extract the opening lines: 

" Dear Sir : — Conrad Weiser figures so prominently 
in the Colonial Records of Penna., that I thought your 
society would appreciate a relic from a building wliich 
he originally owmed and constructed. In altering the 
walls of the building, w^hich has since passed into my 
possession, I reserved a piece of tha limestone founda- 
tion, a specimen of which I forwarded you by the Hon. 
Geo. Sharswood, to be deposited among the relics of 
your Society. This building was constructed in 1751, 
by Conrad Weiser, and, after undergoing many changes, 
is now a large mercantile house, in which some of the 
old wall is still retained." ******** 



112 THE LIFE OF 

The following letters are pertinent to the relic men- 
tioned, to wit : 

"Phila., Aug. 30, 1869. 

^^ My Dear Sir : — I have to acknowledge the re- 
ceipt of your favor of the 24th ult., with the accompany- 
ing relic of the Weiser House. I have to thank you for 
your politeness. I agree with you that the stone liad 
better be deposited in the cabinet of the Historical So- 
ciety, but it appears to me it had better been presented 
directly by yourself with a communication detailing 
such reminiscences of the house as you possess, and 
which would not fail to be a paper of great interest. If 
you address your letter to Col. J. Ross Snowden, Pro- 
thonotary of the Supreme Court and Corresponding Sec- 
retary of the Historical Society, to whom 1 have handed 
the relic, he will take great pride and pleasure in pre- 
senting it to the Society in your name. 

" Very truly yours, 

"Geo. Sharswood. 

"J. L. Stichter, Esq., Reading." 



"Historical Society of Penna., 
" Phila., Sept. 2,1869. 
"My Dear Sir: — I have received your favor of 
yesterday, and also from Judge Sharswood the interest- 
ing relic, to which your letter refers. Any memorial of 
the distinguished Indian Agent and Interpreter and 
Soldier, Col, Weiser, possesses peculiar interest, more 
especially so valuable a relic, as a piece of the founda- 
tion stone of his mansion house in Reading, built in 
1751. This relic will l)e placed among the cherished 
objects of interest in the cabinet of our Society. 1 will 



CONRAD WEISER. 113 

have the honor to present it, in your behalf, at the next 
meeting of our Society, and will then read your interest- 
ing account of Col. Weiser and have it i)laeed among 
our archives. 

"I am with great respect 

"Your obedient servant, 
"James Ross Snowden, Corres. Sec. 
"J. L. Stichter, Esq., Reading, Pa." 



"Historical Society of Penna., 
"Phila., Sept. 14, 1869. 
"Sir: — I am directed by the Society to communi- 
cate to you their thanks for a piece of the limestone 
foundation of the mansion originally constructed and 
owned by Conrad Weiser, a German refugee. This ven- 
erable relic will be placed in our cabinet of curiosities, 
and your interesting letter will be filed among the ar- 
chives of our Society. 

" I have the honor to be 

"Your obedient servant, 
"James Shrigley, Librarian. 
"J. L. Stichter, Esq., Reading, Pa." 



Note A.— Mrs. Lewars, the agert grand-daughter of Conrad 
Weiser, tenaciously holds to the opinion that the old Interpreter 
had another daughter, Elizabeth, who had been intermarried 
with the Reverend Mr. Sehultze. We have found no confirma- 
tion of her saying in any record extant, but are quite willing to 
credit her report She also relates that still another daughter 
had been intermarried with a Mr. Womelsdorf, to whom the 
father gave the farm upon which the town of Womelsdorf now 
stands— he having located and named the town. 

We have not the mind to dispute with a witness of her age 
and ancestral line. We are the less inclined to controvert the 
sayings of Conrad Weiser's descendants so long as there is no 
8 



114 THE LIFE OF 

direct antagonism with known facts, on account of tlie imper- 
fection of the records at hand. Thus, for instance, Mrs. Muh- 
lenberg is written " Anna Maria" here and simply " Anna" in 
another place, whilst " Maria" stands for a sister. So, too, we 
find the names " Magdalena" and " Margretta" used inter- 
changeably, sometimes indicating one, tiieii again two daugh- 
ters. 

Note B. -Repeated attempts were made at ditlerent times to 
investigate the titles and papers relative to those New York 
lands. Attorney Miller was on one occasion employed to enter 
upon the task of dispossessing the occupants. The aggressive 
13arty was led to enteitain great hope of succress. Finally it was 
discovered that rats had carried away the records. A happy 
radfication, any we. 



CONRAD WEISER. 115 



CHAPTER XIX 



SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION. 



Having reached the end of our task, we may be al- 
lowed to rest and look back upon the course we have 
followed ; and, like him who has journeyed awhile, sit 
down at the end of our way and ask for the result ob- 
tained from our efforts. 

Our way has not been like the path-finder's, which 
must first be discovered and then trodden with dififi(;ulty 
and caution. It lay not unmarked over a trackless re- 
gion, but broken, open and well beaten by Conrad Wei- 
ser himself. Even a century and a decade of years 
could not close it over again — so long did it retain the 
^ right of way.' He made his own history, and we had 
but to follow in his 

'^ Foot-prints on the sands of time.^^ 

Like every noble soul, he proved his own biogra})her, 
and, accordingly, rendered it an easy task for the scribe 
coming after to perform the part of a recorder and 
chronicler. Man and the race make history, indeed, but 
not so much with pen and parchments as by the weav- 
ing of noble deeds into a living, harmonious whole. The 
unbroken chain which Conrad Weiser forged in the fur- 
nace of his trying life, we simply recounted, link by 
link, from his cradle to his tomb. And the fact that 
the history of a mortal may thus be detailed, a hundred 
and more years after he has pa^ssed by and away, with- 



116 THE LIFE OF 

out indulging in verbose panegyrics or amplifying eu- 
logy — this shows that we have not been walking side 
by side with a myth, but with a character worthy of a 
record. We protest against the charge of having gal- 
vanized a fictitious skeleton into an apparent life. We 
communed with a still living man, though dead. Live 
men cannot die. We only bury dead men. As there 
are men dead, though they live, so are there men living, 
though they are dead. The dead bury the dead, whilst 
the living hold the living in life everlasting. In a cer- 
tain sense, he that liveth shall never die. 

We set out in search of Conrad Weiser's ancestry, in 
Gross- Aspach, in Herrenburg, and followed his sire to 
Afstiedt, in Backnang — his birth-place. We saw him 
borne a babe in his mother's arms to the Church at 
Kueppingen, where he was christened ^^ John ConradJ^ 
AV^e flitted with the family of five children back to the 
town of Gross- Aspach, where his excellent mother died. 
We accompanied the motherless household in its sa<l 
exodus from the fated " VaterlamV^ to liondon, and 
stood near to them in their sufferings and want along 
the Blackmoor with the Indian Chiefs. Thence we sailed 
with them on a six months' voyage to New York. We 
related the days of trial on Livingston Manor and 
Schoharie Valley. Whilst the sire stood as helmsman 
to the Palatinate Colony there, we trailed off with the 
son, for several months, among the INIaqua Indians, and 
saw him there laying the foundation to his future mis- 
sion. J)nring the father's efforts, successes and reverses, 
we beheld the son growing into manhood, entering into 
marriage, and suc(;eeding the elder in the ofHce of bene- 
factor to German and English, to Indian and white 



CONRAD WEISER. 117 

men. Following the eventful life of the sire down to 
his pitiable end, we related his offspring's arrival at 
Tulpehocken, in Pennsylvania. Here there remained 
for us to tell the interesting story of thirty years — how 
he emerged into prominence as a citizen, leader and of- 
ficer ; serving his day, his people and his country, as 
Justice, Colonel and Chief of the Indian Bureau. We 
stood by his tomb as we stood by his cradle. 

Nor did we forget to relate his intimate relation to 
God during his long and constant contact with his fel- 
low men. In a word, we presented the record of his 
own writing — crowded with thoughts, words and deeds 
that breathed, lived and fruited in a glowing immor- 
tality. 

And now it remains but for us, briefly, to learn some 
lessons from Conrad Weiser's busy life : 

1. We cannot all be like him. We would not if 
we could. The way to fill a man with unrest, is to point 
out a character as an exemplar and advocate an imita- 
tion process. No two men are alike, and, consequently, 
their missions, neither. Know thyself first, and mature 
thynelf subsequently — that is a true and practical phi- 
losophy. '' Be thyself is a motto that is overlooked and 
neglected too much by far. But remembering that, our 
hero may prove the truth of Longfellow's words for us : 

''Lives of great men all remind us 
We can make our lives sublime, 
And, departing, leave behind us 
Footprints on the sands of time." 

2. Goethe says : " On due reflection I am of the con- 
viction more and more that energy constitutes the great 
difference between men." Given a good constitution 



118 THE LIFE OF 

and a soiincl mind, we believe the doctrine will realize 
itself in every individual. It foiled not in the history 
of our hero. Action, perseverance, diligence, applica- 
tion — all these fruits of energy are manifest at every 
point of his life. 

" Let us, then, be up and doing, 
With a heart for any fate : 
Still achieving, still pursuing. 
Learn to labor and to wait." 

3. Religion is no hinderance to an earnest, ac^tive 
and successful life. Conrad Weiser was erratic in his 
piety ; but this was, perhaps, more the fault of his sur- 
roundings than his own. Times and circumstances di- 
vert men from the narrow way too often. He reeled 
and staggered to and fro, but never abandoned his love 
for God and man. An old descendant says : " In those 
times they had no churches. Conrad Weiser was an in- 
telligent man, and was often chilled on to preach funeral 
sermons, oifer prayers, and lead in singing hymns over 
the burying of the dead. His son-in-law, Muhlenberg, 
relieved him of such duties after his arrival." How 
silly the notion, then, that the prosecution of one's reli- 
gious duties enervates us for the discharge of oursecuhu* 
duties. Ova et Labora was finely illustrated in his long 
and efficient course. 

" Act, act in the living present ! 
Heart within and God o'erhead ! 

4. Conrad Weiser was a ^father' of the so-called 
^^Pennsylvania Germans.'^ We mention this fac^t as an 
incentive to the numerous youths in East Pennsylvania, 
who may consider it an affliction to find that such blood 
courses in their veins. Let it be remembered and re- 



CONICAD WKISER. 1 19 

peated that our ancestry numbers, in its line, noble 
characters — men who would grace any ]K)sition in life. 
Here is a pioneer in civilization, an honorable and hon- 
ored public officer, a historical character abreast with 
the men of his day — and a Fenmi/lvanla German not- 
withstanding. As such he has left 

" Footprints that perhaps another, 
Sailing o'er life's solemn main, 
A forlorn and shipwrecked brother, 
Seeing, shall take heart again." 



PART II 



TMli: X»UBX.IC! liUTE 



OF 



©ONH;Aro WMISJEJR. 



I HIS LETTERS. 

II. HIS JOURNALS. 

III. HIS MEMORANDA. 

IV. ADDENDA. 



INTRODUCTION TO PART II. 



It is with the public life and official career of Con- 
rad Weiser that the intelligent reader will deal most 
largely. This is best mirrored forth in the records of 
his official acts. These, happily, are preserved in the 
Pennsylvania Archives and Colonial Records, as well as 
in private letters, which have found their way into print, 
in a measure, or have been lying in waiting for such an 
event. It has been thought best to present them as they 
are: — excepting their antique orthography — both in or- 
der that they may serve as "signs of the times" and for 
the purpose of affording the reader an opportunity to 
drink from the original fountain. 

With these introductory words we open the second 
part of the work, reserving all remaining items touching 
our hero's history for the few pages of Addenda. 



(123) 



COMAD WEISER'S LETTERS. 

NO. I. 

Con HAD Wi:[HKri to K. Petehs 1744. 

Sir: 

Here I send the copy of my transaction at Onondago 
last year ; by looking over the same again I find it is 
just so as I put things down in Onondago, partly for 
my own memorandums and satisfaction. I should liave 
made it shorter before I laid before the Governor ; there 
are several things mentioned w^hich are only ceremonies 
and mere trifling to a European idea, as the Indians al- 
ways observe such things. Just now I heard that 
Olumapies and Shekallamy had sent a Delaware Indian 
to prison for having killed an Indian trader. Jolni 
Harris' wife told my son so, who came from there just 
now. I think it hap])ened well. I was not at home 
when the aforesaid Chiefs sent for me ; they would i>er- 
haps have loaded me with a commission to settle the 
thing with the Government, but no\v the burden re- 
mained upon their shoulders, and had no other way t<^ 
unload them than to deliver up the transgressor. The 
particulars I have not, only as it has been said for some 
time ago that John Armstrong was killed, of which I 
heard before I came to Philadelphia the last time. I 
impatiently expect Shekallamv with news of the Indi- 

125 



126 THE LIFE OF 

ans ; I think nothing happened to prevent their coming, 
they would have sent before now to let us know. 
I remain with my humble respects, 
Sir, your very obliged, 

CONRAD WEISER. 

Tulpehocken, April 26, 1744. 

P. S. April the 28th. Last night I received your's 
of the 26th, with the Governor's command. I am al- 
ways willing to comply with his Honor's commands, 
but could have wished they might have been delayed 
till after court, where my presence by many is required 
on some particular occasion. But as the command is 
pressing, and can not be delayed, I am preparing to set 
out to-morrow morning for Shamokin. I will use the 
best of my endeavors to have the Governor's and Coun- 
cil's request answered to satisfaction, by delivering up 
the two Indians and the goods. I wish you had sent 
me a belt of wampum on such occasion ; it is customary 
to use black wampum, or at least one-half. I hope I 
shall be able to get some of Shekallamy to make use of 
to the Delawares. I am afraid the two Indians have 
made their escape far enough before now ; some other 
methods must then be made use of. I desire the favor 
of you to write a few lines to me against my return 
from Shamokin, to let me know whether my presence 
in Philadelphia is expected, or whether I can send down 
in writing the accounts of my success if it should happen 
that the Indian could be got to be delivered to me. 
Farewell. I am. 

Sir, yours, 

C. W. 

Ui^on a second thought I intend to come to Phila- 



CONRAD WEISER. 127 

(lelpliia, God willing, as soon as I return from Sha- 
niokin, because I understand Mr. Collaway wants to see 
me. 

For Mr. Richard Peters, Secretary to the Govern- 
ment, in Philadelphia. 



NO. I J. 

Conrad Wi:iskr to Jamks T^ociAN, 1744. 

September 29, 1744. 
Sir: 

The day before yesterday I came back from Sha- 
mokin, where I have been with eight young men of my 
country j)eople, whom Shekallamy hired to make a new 
house for him, and I went with them to direct them ; 
we finished the house in 17 days ; it is 49 J feet hmg 
and 17J wide, and covered with shingles. Shekallamy 
informed me that the Governor of Canada hath sent an 
embassy to Onondago, to lament over the death of To- 
canuwarogon, a Chief of the Onondagos, who died last 
spring (in whose house I used to lodge), and to let the 
Council of the Six Nations know that the French hath 
made war against the English, whom they would soon 
beat, and as^they, the Six Nations, loved their brethren, 
the English, their father Onontio desired them to take 
no offence, nor be on either side concerned, but stand 
newter, and that they should be supplied by the French 
with powder, lead and other commodities, at their several 
treating houses as usual, and as cheap as before, and as 
the English traders had run away fron^ <^^swego, cow- 



128 THE LIFE OF 

ards as they were, Onontio would take the house of 
Oswego to himself, as his people are the oldest settlers 
of the northern counties, and would supply his child- 
ren, all the Indians, with all sorts of goods very cheap. 
At the same time the Interpreter of Albany was at 
Onondago with a message from the Commissioners of In- 
dian Affairs, which was to desire the Counlci of the 
United Nations to take the house at Oswego into their 
care for a little while, till sufficient force could be sent 
from Albany to defend it. The Council gave no an- 
swer, neither to the French nor to the Commissioners 
aforesaid. The Interpreter went to the Seneca Country, 
to prevail with that nation for that purpose, but it was 
not known when Jonuhaty (who brought this news) 
came away from Onondago with what success he met. 
Jonuhaty further told Shekallamy that the Council of 
the United Nations had agreed to send some of their 
Chiefs to Catarochkon (Fort Frontinaic) to let their father 
Onontio know that his children, the United Nations, did 
not approve of his intention to take the house of Oswego to 
himself, which could not be done without blood-shed ; 
and as there were always some of the United Nations with 
their brethren, the English at Oswego, it might probable 
fall out so that some of them would be sprinkled with 
blood, which would raise the spirit of revenge. They, 
therefore, thought it would be a dangerous undertaking 
of Onontio, and it would also look very mean in their 
father Onontio to attack the English on their back, since 
he made war against him. They would therefore ad- 
vise him to act more honorable, as becometh a warrior, 
and go round by sea and face the English. The depu- 
ties have orders not to go further than to the aforesaid 



CONRAD WEISER. 129 

place, and deliver their message to the Governor of the 
place and return immediately. The Chiefs of the Cayn- 
gas have sent word to Shekallamy to stay at home, to 
be ready whenever we should sent to him. French An- 
drew who went to fight the Catabaws, fell sick near 
James river in Virginia, and his Company left him un- 
der the care of Pisquedon, one of the Company. An- 
drew got well, and is come back to Shamokin. He told 
me he would come down with the other Indians, which 
are to come at the time when the Indians in prison will 
be tried. 

The fever was among the Indians at Shamokin, and 
hath carried off five or six while I was there. Oluma- 
pies, the Delaware Chief, is recovered again of his long 
sickness. This is all at present I thought fit to inform, 
or rather trouble you with, who am, sir. 

Your dutiful, 

CONRAD WEISER. 
P. S. The French embassy also informed the Coun- 
cil of the United Nations of a treachery which the Shaw- 
nese formed against them with the lonontatuch Ronau 
and Cheestagech-Ronau Indian nations about the lakes 
of Canada, in order to make war against the Six Na- 
tions. Now Cheekano, the Shawano Chief, is suspected 
to be the author of it. A message of the United Na- 
tions is gone to him. 



NO. III. 

Conrad Weiser to Secretary Peters, 1745. 

January 2, 1745. 
I make bold to trouble you again with a few lines, 
9 



130 THE LIFE OF 

the occasion of which is my son came the other day from 
Virginia, where I had sent him after one of my honest 
debtors, and by the way he met several Indians of the 
Six Nations coming from the Southern Indians, the 
Cawtabaws, and has been told that one of Shekallamy's 
sons, to wit. Unhappy Jake, has been killed by the Caw- 
tabaws, with five more of the Six Nations, in an en- 
gagement, and as this is a great stroke to our friend 
Shekallamy, who is for the trust put in him by the 
Council of the Six Nations, and our Government, wor- 
thy to take notice of, I thought it my indispensable 
duty to inform this, and lay it before the Governor, 
whether or no he thinks fit to send to Shekallamy a 
small present, in order to wipe off his tears and com- 
fort his heart, and enable him by so doing to stand to 
his charge aforesaid, which would not only be satisfac- 
tory to Shekallamy, but very agreeable and pleasing to 
the Council of said Nation ; and, consequently, some 
little service done to ourselvss. His Honor, the Gover- 
nor, will be able to judge ; to whom, with my humble 
respect, I leave the whole and remain, sir. 

Your servant to command, 

CONRAD WEISER. 

P. S. It is customary with the Indians, that let 
what will happen, the Chiefs or people in trust with 
them don't stir to do any service or business to the pub- 
lic, when they are in mourning, till they have, in a 
manner, a new commission as beforesaid, in being fetched 
out of mourning and invested with new courage and 
dispositions. 

For Mr. Richard Peters, 
Mr. Jacob Rost. Sec'y to the Government, Phila. 



CONRAD WEISEll. 131 

NO. IV. 

Conrad Weiser to Secretary Peters, 1745. 

Honored Sir : 

I received the package of letters by Mr. Mehlon, 
with several copies which your Honor was plea.sed to 
send me, and as there was a deal of business to be done 
under a great deal of noise at our last Court, I could not 
answer immediately, but thought necessary to do it at 
home, in hopes that your Honor would not take it amiss 
considering the weightiness of the affair. I shall never 
be wanting in your Honor's service whatever may be 
required of me that tends to the honor of your Govern- 
ment and the good of the public, and am very willing to 
undertake a journey to Onondago in the spring, to jmt 
the finishing hand in behalf of Onas, to so good a work, 
and I do not doubt of success. If that what is said by 
the Cawtabaw King be no deceit, which I fear it is, my 
reasons are thus. The Cawtabaws are known to be a 
very proud people, and have at several treaties they had 
with the Cherokees used high expressions, and thought 
themselves stout warriors for having deceived Garonto- 
wano (the Captain of that Company that was so treach- 
erously killed.) I should have been better pleased to 
see the said King's name with some of his countrymen's 
signed to the letter they sent to Gov. Gouch. Some of 
that Nation's names are known to the Six Nations. The 
Interpreter should also have signed. The most Indian 
Interpreters are traders and people not to be depended 
on. However, I ought to leave this to Gov. Gouch. 
The Cawtabaws are also known to be an irregular peo- 
ple ; they have no Council ; the richest or greatest 
amongst them calls himself a King, with the consent of 



132 THE LIFE OF 

his brothers, cousins or wives, and proves often the 
greatest fool ; acts all what he does as an arbitrator ; the 
rest don't mind him, and after all sends him to the 
grave with a broken head. This is what those that 
were prisoners amongst them, all agree. If that one ar- 
ticle is true with them that they will own they treacher- 
ously murdered Garontowano and some of his men, a 
peace, no doubt, will be made between those poor 
wretches. I shall soon go up to Shamokin to see She- 
kallamy, and shall then have an opportunity to talk a 
great deal with Shekallamy ; and if he seems inclined 
for peace, I will let him know of Governor Gouch^s re- 
quest to your Honor, otherways not, and will on my re- 
turn from Shamokin wait upon your Honor to receive 
the necessary instructions. I should be well pleased if 
the Six Nations would make Williamsburg the place of 
Congress, but question very much whether they will not 
think of giving up to much, or submit so much to the 
Cawtabaw, to agree to that place, as to send messengers 
or deputies to the Cawtabaws. They, the Six Nations, 
will refuse at once, and therefore that point must be 
given up. Your Honor said enough to Gov. Gouch 
about that in the letter. As for a third place, I shall 
be more able to give my sentiments about when I return 
from Shamokin. I shall hardly meet any Frenchmen 
in Onondago, but a messenger or two, perhaps, which 
cannot hurt me, and if there are more, I think they will 
have more to fear from me than I from them. The 
Council of the Six Nations have always looked upon 
me as their friend, and one of their own Nation. It will 
be dangerous for a few Frenchmen to meddle with me 
amongst the Indians. They will soon find their mis- 



CONRAD WRISEK. 133 

takes; have a great deal more to fear from the family 
of the Heans in ray absence. They are worse than any 
French or Indians, and I do not know yet whether my 
wife and children will be so far out of fear that I (am 
leave them. The Heans have still their friends, as they 
had these 20 years, otherwise not one soul of the family 
would in these days be in the Province, or if they had 
had their due, they would be out of the world. I do not 
know what to do. The whole neighborhood is afraid of 
them, and the many felonies they have committed, and 
hitherto escaped punishment, will be sufficient causes for 
several good families to move to some other places. I 
did expect at least that they would all be bound to stay 
at their own houses in time of night and behave well in 
all respects, but I find their time is not yet come. I 
shall not trouble your Honor any longer about that 
family in this letter, but am in hopes that when I shall 
have an opportunity to wait upon your Honor, I shall 
be heard somewhat further. As for the time to set out 
for Onondago, I think it almost impracticable before 
the middle of May, because for the creeks and for food 
in the w^oods for horses ; and the Southern Indians can- 
not expect an answer in their own towns till the latter 
end of August next, if everything goes well. I should 
have liked it much better if they had sent two or three 
old men as deputies. I would have traveled with them 
to the Mohawk Country by way of Albany, and having 
got the opinions of the Council of the Mohawks, I would 
have acted accordingly without any danger to the Caw- 
tabaws. I intend to go around by way of Albany now, 
if I do go. I have nothing more to mention, but am, 
sir, your dutiful, CONRAD WEISER. 

Tulpebocken^ February 10, 1745. 



134 THE LIFE OF 

NO. V. 

Conrad Weiser to R. Peters, 1745. 

Sir: 

I have received yours of-the 8th instant, with a packet 
from the Governor. I am very much obliged to you 
for interesting with me in the misfortune that threatened 
me and my family. 1 could get no goods in Lancaster 
good for anything to make a present to Shekallamy ; 
have therefore sent my son to Philadelphia with an or- 
der to Mr. Shi})pen, herein enclosed for your approba- 
tion ; you may alter if you see cause. I have answered 
the Governor's letter, but came home from Lancaster 
the night before last, very lame. I accidentally scalded 
my foot about 12 days ago, and was obliged to apply to 
a doctor. I am in hopes it will soon be better, and as 
soon as possible I will set out for Shamokin. As to the 
Virginia aifair, you will see my sentiment in the letter 
to the Governor. I remain with my hearty respect, sir. 
Yours, 

CONRAD WEISER. 

February 11, 1745. 



NO. VI. 

Conrad Weiser to R. Peters, 1745. 

Tulpehocken, February 18, 1745. 
Sir: 

By my son I received 3 pieces of strout instead of 3 
strout match-coats I wanted for to take to Shamokin for 
Shekallamy, and no instructions what to do with the 
three pieces of strout. I think it would be extravagant 



CONRAD WELSER. 135 

to give it to Shekallamy. I intend to set out for 8ha- 
mokin on the 25th instant, and shall Uiko but three 
match-coats and one-half dozen silk handkerchiefs and 
leav^e the rest till I receive orders from you what to do 
with. I think there must be a mistake. I hope it is 
not in my order. There will be time enough to let me 
know before I set out, if anything unknowing to me as 
yet must be done with the rest. This is all at present. 
With my hearty respect I remain, sir, 

Your obliged, 

CONRAD WEISER. 



NO. VI I. 

Conrad TFmer's lettefi' to a Friend respecting the In- 
dian's vieivs on the subject of religion ; showing that they 
have a strong confidence in the overruling Providence of 
God. 

Heidelberg, Berks Co., 1746. 
Esteemed Friend : 

I write this in compliance with thy request, to give 
thee an account of what I have observed among the In- 
dians in relation to, their belief and confidence in a Di- 
vine Being, according to the observations I have made 
from 1714, in the time of ray youth, to this day. 

If by the word of religion people mean an assent to 
certain creeds, or the observance of a set of religious du- 
ties, as a]>pointed prayers, singing, baptism, or even hea- 
thenish u^orshipj then it may be said, the Five Nations 
and their neighbors have no religion. But if by religion 
we mean an attraction of the soul to God, whence pro- 
ceeds a confidence in, a hunger after, the knowledge ot 



136 THE LIFE OF 

Him, then this people must be allowed to have some 
religion among them, notwithstanding their sometimes 
savage deportment. For we find among them some 
traces of a confidence in God alone ; and even some- 
times, though but seldom, a vocal calling upon Him. 
I shall give one or two instances of this, that fell under 
my own observation. 

In the year 1737 I was sent the first time to Onon- 
dago, at the desire of the Governor of Virginia. I de- 
parted in the latter part of February, very unexpectedly, 
for a journey of five hundred English miles through a 
wilderness where there was neither road nor path, and 
at such a time of the year when animals could not be 
met with for food. There were with me a Dutchman 
and three Indians. After we had gone one hundred 
and fifty miles on our journey, we came to a narrow 
valley about half a mile broad and thirty long, both 
sides of which were encompassed with high mountains, 
on which the snow laid about three feet deep. In it 
ran a stream of water, also about three feet deep, which 
was so crooked that it kept a continued winding from 
one side of the valley to another. In order to avoid 
wading so often through the water, we endeavered to pass 
alung the slope of the mountain — the snow being three 
feet deep and so hard frozen on the top that we walked 
up on it ; but we were obliged to make holes in the snow 
with our hatchets, that our feet might not slip down the 
mountain; and thus we crept on. It happened that the 
old Indian's foot slipped, and the root of a tree by wliich 
he held breaking, he slid down the mountain as from 
the roof of a house. But happily he was stopped in his 
fall by the string which fastened his pack, hitching on 



coNKAi) wei.sp:k. l;:}7 

the stump of a small tree. The two Indians could not 
go to his aid, but our Dut<^h fellow-traveler did ; yet 
not without visible danger of his own life. I also could 
not put a foot forward till I was helped. After this we 
took the first opportunity to descend into the valley, 
which was not till after we had labored hard for half an 
hour with hands and feet. Having observed a tree ly- 
ing directly off from where the Indian fell, when we 
were got into the valley again, we went back about one 
hundred paces, where we saw that if the Indian had 
slipped four or five paces further, he would have fallen 
over a rock one hundred feet perpendicular upon craggy 
pieces of rocks below. The Indian was astonished, and 
turned quite pale ; then, Avith outstretched arms and 
great earnestness, he spoke these words: ^^ I thank the 
f/reat Lord and Governor of this world, in that he has had 
mercy upon me, and has been willing that I should live 
lonf/ei\^^ Which words I, at that time, put down in my 
journal. This happened on the 25th of March, 1737. 

On the 9th of April following, while we were yet on 
our journey, I found myself extremely weak, through 
the fatigue of so long a journey, with the cold and 
hunger, which I had suffered, there having fallen a fresh 
snow about twenty inches deep, and we being yet three 
days' journey from Onondago, in a frightful wilderness. 
My spirit failed, my body trembled and shook. I 
thought I should fall down and die. I stepped aside 
and sat down under a tree, expecting there to die. My 
companions soon missed me. The Indians came back 
and found me sitting there. They remained awhile si- 
lent. At last the old Indian said : " My dear com- 
panion, thou hast hitherto encouraged us ; wilt thou now 



138 THE LIFE OF 

quite give up? Remember that evil days are better 
than good days. For when we suifer much we do not 
sin. Sin will be driven out of us by suiFering, and God 
cannot extend his mercy to them ; but contrary wise, 
when it goeth evil with us, God hath compassion on us." 
These words made me ashamed. I arose up and trav- 
eled as well as I could. 

The next year (1738) I went another journey to 
Onondago, in company with Joseph Spangenberger and 
two others. It happened that an Indian came to us in 
the evening, who had neither shoes, stockings, shirt, 
gun, knife nor hatchet. In a word, he had nothing but 
an old torn blanket and some rags. Upon enquiring 
Avhither he was going, he answered to Onondago. I 
knew him, and asked him how he could undertake a 
journey of three hundred miles so naked and impover- 
ished, having no provisions, nor aYms to kill animals for 
his sustenance ? He answered he had been among ene- 
mies, and had been obliged to save himself by flight ; 
and so had lost all ; for he had disposed of some of his 
things among the Irish for strong liquors. Upon fur- 
ther talk he told me very cheerfully "That God formed 
everything which had life, even the rattlesnake itself, 
though it was a bad creature ; and that God would also 
provide, in such a manner, that he should go thither ; 
that it was visible, God. was with the Indians in the wil- 
derness, because they always cast their care upon Him ; 
but that, contrary to this, the Europeans always carried 
their bread with them." He was an Onondago Indian. 
His name was Onontagketa. The next day we traveled 
in company, and the day following I provided him with 
a knife, hatchet, flint, tinder, also shoes and stockings, 



CON HAD wkisp:h. 1'59 

aiul scut him before me, to give notice to the Council at 
Onondago that I was coming, which he truly performed, 
being got thither three days before us. 

Two years ago I was sent by the Governor to 8ha- 
mokin, on account of the unhappy death of John Arm- 
strong, the Indian trader (1744.) After I had per- 
formed ray errand, there was a feast prepared, to which 
the Governor's messengers were invited. There were 
about one hundred persons present, to whom, after we 
had in great silence devoured a fat bear, the eldest of the 
Chiefs made a speech, in which he said: "That, by a 
great misfortune, three of the brethren, the ivhite mm, 
had been killed by an Indian ; that, nevertheless, the 
sun was not set (meaning there was no war), it had only 
been somewhat darkened by a small cloud, which was 
now done away ; he that had done evil was like to be 
punished, and the land to remain in peace ; therefore he 
exhorted his people to thankfumess to God ; and there- 
fore he began to sing with an awful solemnity, but with- 
out expressing any words. The others accompanied him 
with their voices. After they had done, the same In- 
dian with great earnestness of fervor spoke these words : 
' Thanhs, thanks be to Thee, Thou great Lord of the 
world, in that Thou had again caiused the sun to shine, and 
has dispersed the dark cloud. The Indians are Thine.' 

Their government is by Kings, which they call 
SacJiama ; and those by succession, but always of the 
mother's side. For instance, the children of him, who 
is now king, will not succeed, but his brother, by the 
mother, or the children of his sister, whose sons, and af- 
ter them the children of her daughters will reign, for no 
woman inherits. The reason they render for this way 
of descent is that their issue may not be spurious. 



140 THE LIFE OF 

Every King hath his Council, and that consists of 
all the old and wise men of his Nation, which, perhaps, 
is two hundred people. Nothing of moment is under- 
taken, be it war, peace, selling of land, or traffic, without 
advising with them ; and, which is more, with the young 
men, too. It is admirable to consider how powerful the 
Kings are, and yet how they move by the breath of their 
people. I have had occasion to be in council with them 
upon treaties for land and to adjust the terms of trade. 
Their order is this : The King sits in the middle of a 
half moon and hath his Council, the old and wise, on 
each hand ; behind him, or at a litttle distance, sit the 
young or fry in the same figure. Having consulted and 
resolved their business, the King ordered one of them 
to speak to me. He stood up, came to me, and, in the 
name and authority of his King, saluted me, then took 
me by the hand and told me he was ordered by his 
King to speak to me, and that now it was not he, but 
the King that spoke, because what he should say was 
the King^s mind. He first prayed me ' to excuse them 
that they had not complied with me the last time. He 
feared there jnight be some fault in the Interpreter, be- 
ing neither Indian nor English. Besides it was the In- 
dian custom to deliberate and take up much time in 
council before they resolved ; and that if the young [)eo- 
ple and owners of the land had been as ready as he, I 
had not met with so much delay.' Having thus intro- 
duced his matter, he fell to the bounds of the land they 
had agreed to be dis])osed of, and the price, which now 
is little and dear ; that which would have bought twenty 
miles, not buying now two. During the time that this 
person spoke, not a man of them wa.s observed to whis- 



CONRAD WEISER. l4l 

per or smile — the old, grave ; the young, reverent in 
their deportment. They spoke little, but fervently, and 
with elegance. I have never seen more natural sagacity, 
considering them without the help (I was going to say), 
the spoil of tradition ; and he will deserve the name of 
Avise that outwits them, in any treaty, about a thing they 
understand. When the purchase was agreed, great 
promises passed between us, of kindness and good neigh- 
borhood, and that the Indians and English must live in 
love as long as the sun gave light. AYhich done, an- 
other made a speech to the Indians, in the name of all 
the Sacliamakers or Kings ; first to tell them what was 
done, next to charge and command them Ho love the 
Christian, and particularly live in peace with me and 
the people under my Government; that many Gov- 
ernors had been in the river, but that no Governor had 
come himself to live and stay here before ; and having 
now such an one that had treated them well, they should 
never do him, or his, any wrong.' At every sentence of 
which they shouted and said Amen in their way. 

The justice they have is pecuniary. If they com- 
mit any wrong or evil, be it murder itself, they atone by 
feasts and presents of their wampum ; which is propor- 
tioned to the quality of the offence, or persons injured, 
or of the sex they are of. For, in case they killed a 
a woman, they pay double ; and the reason they render 
is that she breedeth children, which men cannot do. It 
is rare that they fall out, if sober ; and, if drunk, they 
forgive it, saying, " It was the drink and not the man 
that abused them.'' 

We have agreed that in all differences between us, 
six of each side shall end the matter. Do not abuse 



142 THE LIFE OF 

them, but let them have justice, and you do win them. 
The worst is that they are the worse for the Christians, 
who have propagated their vices, and yielded them tra- 
dition for ill, and not for good things. But as low an 
ebb as these people are at, and as inglorious as their own 
condition looks, the Christians have not outlived their 
sight with all their pretentions to a higher manifesta- 
tion. What good, then, might not a good people graft 
where there is so distinct a knowledge left between good 
and evil ? I beseech God to incline the hearts of all 
that come into these parts, to outlive the nations, by a 
fast obedience to their gi eater knowledge of the will of 
God ; for it were miserable, indeed, for us to fall under 
the just censure of the poor Indian's conscience, while 
we make profession of things so far transcending. 

For their origin, I am ready to believe them of 
the Jewish race ; I mean of the stock of the ten tribes, 
and that for the following reasons ; First, they were to 
go to a ^land not planted nor known,' which, to be sure, 
Asia and Africa were, if not Europe ; and He that in- 
tended that extraordinary judgment upon them, might 
make the passage not uneasy to them, as it is not im- 
possible in itself, from the easternmost parts of Asia to 
the westernmost of America. 

In the next place, I find them of the like coun- 
tenance and children of so lively resemblance that a man 
would think himself in Duke place, or Berry street, 
London, when he seeth them. But this is not all ; they 
agree in rite ; they reckon by moons ; they offer their 
first fruits ; they have a kind of feast of tabernacles ; 
they are said to lay their altar on twelve stones ; their 
mourning a year; customs of women, with many other 
things that do not now occur. 



CONRAD WEISER. 143 

NO. VIII. 

Conrad Weiser to Richard Peters, 1747. 

Honored Sir : 

Yours of the 13th instant with the enclosed copies 
of Governor Shirley and Colonel Stoddards I received 
this morning, about five o'clock, the very moment I was 
ready to mount my horse to go to Shamokin. It will 
be more convenient to answer yours after my return 
from the said place. Thus far I know that the Mohawks 
are the people Col. Johnson and Mr. John Henry Ly- 
dias engaged in the war against the French, and among 
them some young, straggling fellows of the other Na- 
tions, but not with the public consent of their Council 
or Chiefs. Yet it may be that out of politics the Six 
Nation Chiefs may conceal their true intention against 
the French, or are divided in Council. I am very sure 
many of them wish the destruction of Canada, when in 
the mean time others have open and very good corre- 
spondents with the French. I wish myself at Onon- 
dago. I would soon be able to give a very particular 
account of everything. I am still of the opinion that 
the Six Nations will be engaged in the war^ if they are 
not altogether now. I cannot say more at present. If 
you please, assure the Council that I shall very gladly and 
with fidelity exert myself to answer their expectations. I 
would say if I could without words that Mr. Lydias 
cannot be ruined. He has nothing to lose. But Col. 
Johnson may ; but he has neither wife nor children, and 
Admiral Warren is his uncle, and the Assembly of New 
York have supplied their Governor and the Governor 
him. I think from New York we must learn what 



NS> 



144 THE LIFE OP 

passes between the said gentleman and the Indians. I 
heartily wish the affair well, but let us move with sure 
steps, and if we see cause, contribute handsomely. I 
must conclude, since I am sure of nothing, and remain, 
sir. Your very obedient, 

June 15, 1747. CONRAD WEISER. 

To Richard Peters, Esq., 

Secretary in Philadelphia. 



i 



,.€ 



NO. IX. 

Conrad Weiser to Richard Peters, 1747. 

[■ Tulpehocken, June 21, 1747. 

Dear Sir : 

Having received yours of the 13th instant, a few 
minutes before I left for Shamokin, according to yonr 
request I endeavored to make answer, but wanted to see 
Shekallamy first. This, with the enclosed papers, will 
give you a clear light, I hope, to the government of the 
circumstances about our good friends, the Six Nations. 
I took my route over Paxton, to go up along the Sus- 
quehanna river, being the weather was uncertain and I 
did not care to lie out in the woods, having had ajtouch 
of a fever for several days past. But as good Provi- 
dence ordained, I found Shekallamy at the house of Jo- 
seph Chambers in Paxton, with two of his sons and a 
man of note from the Cainckquon Country, who has 
been at all the treaties held in Pennsylvania ever since 
I am concerned in Indian affairs. For this Province 
his name is Sca-yenties. He was sent down to acquaint 
Tocaniadarojjan, Shekallamy's son, that a certain tribe of 
their Natioit had noiiiinateil ami appointed him one oj 



OONRAD WEJSER. 145 

thdi' Coicnsellors, and demred him to apply himself to pub- 
lic business, and to acquaint Shekallamy and the Indians 
thereabout of what passes among the Six Nations. I 
stayed two days and two nights at Joseph Chamber\s 
with the said Indians, discoursed with them, and I en- 
tertained in the best manner I could, and what I have 
informed of it, I am satisfied it is truth. I omitted 
things reported, but uncertain, for example: "That 300 
Indians allied to the Six Nations, living about the Lake 
of Erie, had joined to cut off all the French traders 
about that Lake and elsewhere. That a great number 
of Tuscaroras were gone to fight the French in Canada. 
That the deputies gone to Montreal had in charge to re- 
quire the French Governor to disarm all his Indians 
employed against the English. If he refuses, to let him 
know that tlie Six United Nations, with their allies, 
would demolish him as the author of this war." Sca- 
yenties says nobody knows what the said deputies have 
in charge. It is, however, most certain that the Six 
Nations are inclined to defend the English. I have in- 
formed the Government several times of the mischief 
some of our people from time to time did to the poor 
Indians. But I dont't remember that ever anything ef- 
fectually was done for relief. I desire you will press it 
on the Council, in the best manner you can, to order the 
Indians justice done in their complaint, that they may 
be satisfied of our true and upright heart towards them, 
according to what we promise in public treaties. I 
shall be sick of Indian affairs if no medium is found to 
do them justice. It may happen that some of our peo- 
ple may be served as J. A. was, which is the only re- 
sentment tlie Indians use when once satisfied they have 
10 



146 THE LIFE OF 

to deal with a rogue, and can't get other satisfaction. Let 
such grievances be redressed out of the public stock at 
this critical time, rather than suffer the Indians to be 
wronged (if no other medium can be found.) I assure 
you, sir, I find it very hard sometimes to excuse the 
Government, and must hear words entirely disagreea- 
ble. I am satisfied the Indians have just reason to com- 
plain at the behavior of some of our people. 

As to the treaty of Col. Johnson and Mr. Lydias 
with the Mohawks, I dislike it, and the Six Nations are 
offended at the people of Albany because we pay their 
people with goods against the opinion of the Chief 
Council. If these two gentlemen had as much judg- 
ment as tliey have pride, they would never have per- 
suaded the Mohawks into the war in a private way, for 
it may turn out that both their scalps may be taken and 
carried to Canada. In short, I don't think it pro])er 
our Government should countenance such doings, and I 
hope the Council will not look upon it worthy of their 
ai)probation. I have nothing further to trouble you 
with, but remain, sir. 

Your well known and obedient, 

CONRAD WEI8ER. 

I desire you will be so good as to let Mr. Logan 
have the perusal of the enclosed. I have not time 
enough to send him a copy. 

I arrived last night at my house from Paxton, and 
was obliged to hurry of this information, in hopes to get 
an opportunity this evening to send it. 

To Richard Peters, Esc^., 

Secretary at i'hiladclphia. 

Per Leonard Feck. 



CON HAD WEISER. 147 

NO. X. 

Conrad Weiser to Secretary Peters, 1747. 

Tulpehocken, July 6, 1747. 
Sis: 

Whether or not you have received mine of the 21st 
of last month I do not know. I did expect to receive 
a few lines from you in answer to it, to acknowledge the 
receipt thereof. It was delivered to a laborer at your 
house early one morning before you were up, by Leonard 
Feck, my neighbor. This comes to let you know that 
Shekallamy came to my house last night on express, 
with the following news : That Saristaquoh, a Chief 
and Captain of war of the Oneidas, living on the heads 
of Susquehanna, had sent down word to Shekallamy 
that the French had set out from Montreal, with a nu- 
merous army, to make an invasion in the Government 
of New York ; that a certain Indian, Cantarontie by 
name, a native of Oneida, had deserted the French near 
Lake Champlain, and came to Oneida to inform them 
of the French design, and that the Oneidas immediately 
had sent to Onondago for their assistance and called a 
Council of War, in which it was unanimously agreed to 
go to the assistance of Albany, and had sent accordingly 
to the Indians on the Susquehanna to come and meet 
them in the Mohawk Country, where they would meet ; 
that aGCordingly 50 men were gone out of Canuhochquagy 
imth Saristaquohj noic about 20 days ago, all the men of 
Oneida were gone together with the old gray-headed man 
to defend Albany ; that the Oneidas had delared war in 
form against the French, and there was no doubt all 
the Six Nations would do the same, because the com- 
manding officer of the French had o;iven orders to his 



148 THE LIFE OF 

men to spare none of the Six Nations that would come 
in their way, and it was thought lie had a design to be 
revenged on the Mohawks. 

Shekalhimy further informs tliat a ])arty of Albany 
men, with about 30 Indians of the Mohawks and Onei- 
das, in all about 130 men, had fell in with a French 
party of about the same number, all Frenchmen, who 
had but one Indian with them as their guide. An en- 
gagement ensued. The Indians stood neuter and looked 
at it. The engagement lasted till night, and began 
again in the morning. Then the Indians said to Al- 
bany people : Brethren, stand still and look at us, and 
learn how to fight. We will now engage the French, 
which accordingly they did. The Indians then came 
near the French l)ehind the busiies and trees, and fired 
one sally, and then took to their hatchets, and put the 
French to flight immediately and killed a good many of 
them. The particulars Shekallainy does not know. 

That another party of Frencii Indians had been 
pursued near Albany by some of the Mohawks, who 
killed one of the French Indians. He had told the 
Mohawks before he died that all the praying Indians had 
engaged against the English and the Mohawks, the 
praying Indians being over persuaded by the French. 

This is all what 1 have from Shekallamy at ])resent. 
He says we may depend upon the truth thereof. He 
will stay two days with us. He is in great want of j)ro- 
visions. I must assist him with some meal. He seemed 
to be very glad that the Oneidas are so heartily to assist 
the English. I have nothing to add, but 1 ])ray let me 
hear of the receipt of this and the former. I am, sir. 
Your very humble servant, 

CONRAD WE18ER. 



CONRAD wp]isp:r. 149 

I sent this by Mr. Muhlenberg, my sou-in-law, who 
promised to send it by an express from his house to you. 

Shekallamy gives his respects to you and to his old 
friend, Mr. Logan. He intends a visit to Philadelphia 
before next fall. 

I understand by Shekallamy that the Oneidas will 
soon send a Captain of War down this way to Sha- 
mokin, to gather all the Indians and lead them on 
against the French. 

If this and my former do not agree, I hope I cannot 
be blamed in reason. I have informed according to 
what I had been informed, and I still believe all to be 
true. 



NO. XI. 

Conrad Weiser to R. Peters, 1747. 

Sir: 

Yours of last week is come to hand per express from 
Mr. Muhlenberg. I am glad to hear that both my let- 
ters came to your hand and are approved. Shekallamy 
went away from my house to Shamokin on the 8th in- 
stant. I furnished him with some provisions. Victuals 
are very scarce at his place. I gave him ten bushels of 
wheat i^al, which was as much as he could carry. He 
had two of his sons with him on horseback. They 
loaded their horses with meal and went off well satisfied. 
I have used them well during their stay. Shekallamy 
promised to let us know what passes among the Indians 
concerning the French and the present war. I dare say 
the "man is true and honest. I shall be glad to hear 
what the President and the Council purport to do about 



150 THE LIFE OF 

the Indians' complaint against Jos. Annen and Jolm^ 
Powle. Shekallamy was very mncli concerned ahont it 
and wanted an answer. He is afraid that no good will 
come from it if the Council will not find a remedy for 
the Indians lost. I for my part am fully satisfied the 
Indians' complaint is just in the main, let the particu- 
lars fall out as they will. When an Indian in his judg- 
ment thinks himself wronged by somebody, more es- 
pecially by tlie white people, he will never forgive, and 
he is apt to revenge himself and urged to do it by his 
country people. • John Armstrong, the ])oor man, had 
warning sufficient to persuade him to do the Indians 
justice, but covetuousness prevented him. At last he 
paid too dear for his faults. Our people are apt to forget 
such examples. The rest I shall leave to you. I con- 
clude, and remain, sir, 

Your very humble servant, 

boXRAD Wi:iSER. 
Tulpehocken, July 14, 1747. 
To Richard Peters, Esq., 

Secretary, Philadelphia, per Geo. Graff. 



NO. XII. 

Conrad Weiser to R. Peters, 1747. 

Sir: 

Yours of the 17th instant I received. I am at a 
loss to answer it. You are able to judge by the infor- 
mation we had from to time of the Indians, which I 
still believe may be depended on yet. I leave you no 
room to complain at my negligence. I will endeavor to 
give you my sentiments about the particular heads, viz ; 



CONRAD WETSER. 151 

1. Col. Johnson and Mr. Lydias did not prevail 
upon the Council of the Six Nations to declare war 
against the French, but only upon some straggling poor 
fellows, to enlist themselves and take service, by taking 
the presents and going to war with the Mohawks. I 
am sorry that Gov. Shirly is deceived, but it is like (al- 
though he is a capable and honest gentleman) he believes 
what he wishes to be true, like the rest of our fellow 
creatures. 

2. I never was afraid of the Six Nations engaging 
against the English, but always doubted whether they 
would fight the French ; yet, when I understood of the 
Mohawks, when I Avas with them, and what I read in 
New York news, that they would fight, and actually 
have fought the French, I thought all the rest of the 
Six Nations would now engage against the French, and 
perhaps will, but I am well assured that before they 
will engage, they will call in their people that are scat- 
tered abroad, and some of them live about 100, 150 and 
200 miles from their center, especially the Senecas and 
and Cayugas, who are the most numerous. The pre- 
tended expedition to Canada has done a great deal of 
hurt. No man is able to excuse it with the Indians. 
They call it downright cowardice that so many hun- 
dreds dare not venture to go beyond the inhabited part 
of the English settlement, much less to invade Canada. 
An Interpreter must be ashamed to hear them talk of 
it among themselves, or in familiarity with him, the 
Indians undervalue or rather make nothino^ of our va- 
lor, and think we, the English, will leave them in the 
lurch. At least a ship load of goods will not engage 
tlieiu into the war, if their own reasons don't, for they 



152 THE LIFE OF 

say the English have goods enough ; let as take the 
presents and promise a great deal and do little, aceord- 
ing to the custom of the white people. I have con- 
versed with Indians and with the most j)olitest of them 
above 33 years now, and have always had some very 
familiar friends among them. I am not deceived in my 
mind, and I know also very well how they have been 
dealt with by the white people, who have frecpiently 
learned them to tell lies in public treaties, and to tlie 
Commissioners and Governors that treated with them in 
particular in a neighboring Government. 

3. The proposal of sending Commissioners from all 
the northern Colonies is in my opinion very good. It 
would be of some service, but they cannot believe Col. 
Johnson and Mr. John Lydias, their report, that the 
Six Nations have engaged in the war against the French. 
If they do not engage before suc^h Commissioners meet 
at New York, I am satisfied when the said gentlemen 
did give such information to Col. Staddard, in order to 
be sent to Gov^ernor Shirley. The Six Nations had not 
engaged, if they did not know better, and have been too 
credulous, which I am apt to believe for charity's sake. 
They show that their judgment is under age, but if they 
knew better and with design gave a false information, I 
have nothing to say to them. Let the Commissioners 
that meet at New York agree to take Crown Point Fort 
or do some other act of valor against the French that 
will bring the Six Nations into war, not only by word 
of mouth, as they hitherto have done, but by acts and 
deeds. In the mean time let them be assured that they 
will be supplied by the English with ammunition, c^x'. 

4. The Indians must have satisfaction made for pri- 



CONKAD VVKISER. 1 Oo 

vate injuries. If we will deal with them according to 
our public treaties and show that we are what we pre- 
tend to be, that is to say, their friends, people of honor 
and honesty, the Council and Assembly will find a 
remedy. I own it will be a difficult matter to (;ome to 
the truth in private quarrels, between the white and the 
brown people, for the former will outswear the very 
devil, and the latter's oath is not good in our laws. If 
all comes to all, rather than the poor Indians should be 
wronged, the public ought to make satisfaction if no 
remedy can be found to prevent it. 

5. Olumapies would have resigned his crown before 
now, but as he had the keeping of the public treasure 
(that is to say the Council Bag), consisting of belts of 
wampum, for which he buys liquor, and has been drunk 
for these two or three years, almost constantly, and it is 
thought he won't die as long as there is one single wam- 
pum left in the bag. Lapapitton is the most fittest 
person to be his successor. He is an honest, true- 
hearted man, and has very good natural sense. He is 
also a sober man, between 40 and 50 years of age. He 
is well esteemed among his country people and others, 
but whether or not he will trouble himself with public 
affairs is a great question. He has lived retired for 
these several years with his family. 

6. A small present ought to be made to the Indians 
on Lake Erie to acknowledge the receipt of theirs. It 
may be sent by some honest trader. I think George 
Coughon is fit to perform it. I always took him for an 
honest man, and have as yet no reason to think other- 
wise of him. 

At the conclusion of this, I freely own I have been 



154 THE LIFE OF 

pretty forward and open, but I hope you will pardon 
me, for you gave me provocation. Otherwise I will 
argue the point over with you, about the 16th of Au- 
gust next, when I hope to see you in good health, who 
am, sir. Your dutiful, 

CONRAD WEISER. 
Tulpehocken, July 20, 1747. 



NO. XIII. 
Conrad Wefser to R. Peters, 1747. 

HoNOKED Sir : 

I hope these few lines will find you in good health, 
as I with my family are at present — thank God. I 
thought good to let you know that I intend to visit 8he- 
kallamy, who I hear is sick with the fever and ague for 
many weeks. I intend to set out about the 5th of next 
month. I understand that Olumapies is dead, but I 
cannot say I am sure of it. The Indians about Sha- 
mokin have been sick with the fever and ague very 
much. One of the people called Moravians, who went 
up there to make converts, died there also. Otherwise 
everything is quiet among the Indians on Susquehanna 
river. I will let you know of my return and of what 
passes among the Indians. If you have any commands 
to Shamokin, I must have them this week. I have 
nothing to add, but remain 

Your dutiful, 

CONRAD WEISER. 

Tulpehocken, September 27, 1747. 
To Richard Peters, Esq., 

Secretary in Philadelphia. 



CONRAD WEISER. 155 

NO. XIV. 

Conrad Weiser to R. Peters, 1747. 

Sir: 

On the 6th instant I set out for Shamokin, by way 
of Paxton, because the weather was bad. I arrived at 
Shamokin on the 9th, about noon. I was surprised to 
see Shekallamy in such a miserable condition as ever 
my eyes beheld. He was hardly able to stretch forth 
his hand to bid me welcome. In the same condition 
was his wife ; his tliree sons not quite so bad, but very 
poorly. Also one of his daughters and two or three of 
his grand-children all had the fever. There were three 
buried out of the family a few days before, viz : Caja- 
dies, Shekallamy's son-in-law, that had been married to 
his daughter above 15 years, and reckoned the best hun- 
ter among all the Indians ; also his eldest son's wife, 
and grand-child. Next morning I administered the 
medicines to Shekallamy and one of his sons, under the 
direction of Dr. Groeme, which had a very good effect 
upon both. Next morning I gave the same medicines 
to two more (who would not venture at first.) It had 
tlie same eflPect, and the four persons thought themselves 
as good as recovered. But above all, Shekallamy was 
able to walk about with me with a stick in his hand be- 
fore I left Shamokin, which was on the 12th in the af- 
ternoon. 

As to wliat passes among the Indians, the Six Na- 
tions (except the Mohawks) have not yet declared against 
the French. Some of their Chiefs are now in Canada, 
but for what reason is not known. It is generally be- 
lieve! by the Indians that they are about bringing over 



156 THE j.ifp: of 

the French Praying Indians to the Five Nations' Coun- 
try, or hiy a stop to their war against the English. She- 
kallaniy says if they miss in their schemes, war will then 
be declared against the French. Some of the Senecii's 
young men have followed the example of the Mohawks 
and went to war against the French, and had five of 
their Company killed by the French. The young peo- 
ple of the Six Nations are inclined to fight the French. 

Shekallamy told me further that the Governor of 
Canada has sent a message to all the Indians about the 
Lakes and desired them to take up his hatchet to fight 
the English ; that two of the Nations had accepted it, 
but Shekallamy does not know which two ; all the rest 
of the Six Nations refused it at once. 

The Zis-gechroona, or Jonontadyhagas, or both, 
jointly have sent a large bhick belt of wampum to all 
the Delaware j?nd Shawnese Indians living on the rivers 
Ohio and Susquehanna, to invite them into the war 
against the French. The belt came to Shamokin with 
the said message. ShekaKamy saw the belt, but the 
Delaware Indians that brought it could not remember 
which of the above mentioned two Nations (or jointly) 
had sent it. That 100 men of the Delawares were ac- 
tually gone to meet the Jonontadyhagas about Deogh- 
saghronty, where 70 or 80 of the Six Nations living at 
Canoyinhagy were also expected. They intend to cut 
oil* a French settlement to the south of T^ake Eric. 

Another such black belt of wampum was sent by 
the aforesaid Indians to the Six Nations for the same 
j)nrpose. 

Shekallamy said that himself and the Indians about 
Shamokin keep their ears open to the said Nations, and 
they will act according as the Six Nations act. 



CONRAD WEISER. 157 

Whilst I was at Shamokin, 14 warriors came down 
from Diaogoii, about 150 miles above Shamokin, to go 
to war against the Cawtabaws. 

On my return, about 3 miles this side of Shamokin, 
I met eleven Onondagas coming from war. They, with 
some of the Cayugas, in all 25 men, had an engagement 
with the Cawtabaws, in which five of the Cayugas were 
killed. The Onondagas said the Cawtabaws were 200 
men. I sat down and smoked a pipe with them. I 
had some tobacco and a little rum left, with which I 
treated them, and we discoursed about the wars. Their 
Captain was a very intelligent man. I told him before 
we parted that we, their brethren of Pennsylvania, long 
to hear of the Six Nations, how things go concerning 
the war with the French, whether or not they had en- 
gaged in it; that if they had, we were desirous our 
brethren, the Council of Onondago, would let us know. 
If they have not, we had nothing to say to them, well 
knowing that our brethren, the Six Nations, were peo- 
ple of understanding and experienced in the war. We 
therefore leave that entirely to them, only we wanted 
now and then to receive a message fr^m them in these 
critical times and to hear of their welfare. I gave the 
Captain a piece of eight, to remember what has been said 
to the Council at Onondago. In my going up I saw a 
French scalp at the house of Thomas McGee. Some 
Indians from Ohio had brought it there. Thomas Mc- 
Gee was gone to Philadelphia. I left it where it was. 
The same day I met the Indian that brought it there. 
He desired me to take it to the Governor in Philadel- 
phia, since Thomas McGee was not at home, who was 
desired to do it, and pressed very hard upon me to re- 



158 THE LIFE OF 

ceive the scalp for the Government of Pennsylvania, in 
whose favor the scalp \va.s taken, and at the Govern- 
ment of Pennsylvania's request the Indians of Canayi- 
aliagon had taken up the hatchet against the French, 
and that I was the fittest man to receive it. I told him 
that I had been concerned in Indian affairs these many 
years, but I never knew that the Government of Penn- 
sylvania had given the hatchet or employed anybody to 
kill Frenchmen, and that I was sensible the Govern- 
ment had never requested the Indians at Canayiahagon 
to kill Frenchmen, and therefore I could not receive the 
scalp ; and as I was well informed that this scalp had 
been taken in time of peace, I could in no way receive 
it. All white people would look upon such actions with 
contempt, and as my commission for the transaction of 
Indian affairs did not extend to Ohio or Canayiahagon, 
but reached only to the Six Nations, I must leave that 
affair to those that had correspondents that way to in- 
form the Government of it and receive an answer. I 
hoped he would excuse me, and so we parted in friend- 
ship. 

I must, at the conclusion of this, recommend She- 
kallamy as a proper object of charity. He is extremely 
poor. In his sickness the horses have eaten all his 
corn. His clothes he gave to Indian doctors to cure him 
and his family, but all in vain. He has nobody to hunt 
for him, and I cannot see how the poor old man can 
live. He has been a true servant to the Government 
and may perhaps still be, if he lives to do well again. 
As the winter is coming on, I think it would not be 
amiss to send him a few blankets or match coats, and a 
little powder and lead, if the Government would l»e 



CONRAD WEISER. 159 

pleased to do, and you could send it up soon. I would 
send my sons with it to Shamokin before the cold 
weather comes. 

Olumapies is dead. Lapaghuitton is allowed to be 
the fittest to succeed him, but he declines. He is afraid 
he will be envied, and consequently bewitched by some 
of the Indians. However this must lie still till next 
spring, according to what Shekallamy says. 

It is my humble opinion that the present intended 
for the Indians on the river Ohio should be larger. If 
that what George Croghan is to take with him is in- 
tended for the Indians at Canayiahagon, the Indians at 
Ohio, our much nearer neighbors, should not be passed 
over without something. I arrived this day, about 12 
o'clock, at my house in good health, and I hope this 
will find you in perfect health and profound peace of 
mind, who am, sir. 

Your ever dutiful, 

CONRAD WEISER. 

Tulpehocken, October 1-5, 1747. 
To Richard Peters, Esq., 

Secretary of the Province of Penna. 

NO. XV. 

Conrad Weiser to R. Pp:ter.s, 1747. 

Paxton, November 28, 1747. 

Sir : 

Last night I arrived here with the Indians, all in 
good health, but Canachquasy, the Speaker, who took 
sick by the way from Philadelphia to my house, and 
one of the women, but I hope not dangerously. Tliis 



160 THE LIFE OF 

day I delivered the goods to them, and they are well 
pleased for my adding two half barrels of powder to the 
four which they were to have. George Croghan was 
present, and he undertook to find men and horses to 
carry the powder and the lead, with two casks of liquor 
for them, to Ohio. I was obliged to allow them the li- 
quor because they all followed my advice and did not 
get drunk, neither in town nor by the way. Scaiohady, 
after they had received the goods, spoke to me in the 
following manner : " Brother, I am very glad that our 
brethren in Philadelphia took into their serious consid- 
eration what we have said to them. The French party 
is very strong among us, and if we had failed in our 
journey to Philadelphia, or our expectations would not 
have been granted by our brethren in Philadelphia, the 
Indians would have gone over to the French to a man, 
and would have received presents (or supplies) from the 
French, who have offered it, but now I hope we have 
the better of them. Let me desire you to set out early in 
the spring with the supplies our brethren have been 
})lcased to promise us, and send somebody before you, to 
give us timely notice that we may meet, for we are scat- 
tered up and down the country, and we will send three 
or four men to meet you by the way and to convey you 
to the place appointed. Pray don't miss, and let us that 
are for our brethren, the Englisii, not be ashamed. The 
French party, who speak now under the ground, will 
speak above tiie ground if you should miss ; but if you 
arrive early in the spring, all the Indians will unite 
heartily, and the French party will be brought over to 
us." They spoke to me and George Croghan, who 
must be my guide. J made answer that nothing should 



CONRAD WEISER. 161 

be wanting that I could do, and if I was alive and well, 
I hoped to see them in their country next spring, before 
the grass comes out, or at farthest when they begin to 
plant their corn. 

Scaiohady pressed upon me to put the Government 
in mind of what he had said against the traders in rum, 
that it might be suppressed, for the Indians (said he) 
will drink away all they have and not be able to do 
anything against the enemy for want of ammunition. 
And if rightly considered, death, without Judge or jury, 
to any man that carries rum to sell to any Indian town, 
is the on'iy remedy to prevent that trade and a just re- 
ward to the trade, for nothing else will do. It is an 
abomination before God aaJ man, to say nothing of the 
particular consequences, it is altogether hurtful to the 
public, for what little supplies we can give them to carry 
on the war is not half sufficient. They must buy the 
greatest part with their hunting, and if they meet with 
rum, they will buy that before anything, and not only 
drink away their skins, but their clothing and every- 
thing they may get of us. In short, the inconveniences 
occasioned by that trade are numerous at this very time ; 
the English and French party will fall out in their 
drunkenness and murder one another, and the English 
will be charged with the mischief thereof. I must leave 
off before I wear out your patience, and remain, sir. 
Your very dutiful, 

CONRAD WEISER. 
P. S. Scaiohady told Shekallamy at my house very 
privately that Peter Chartier and his Company had ac- 
cepted of the French hatchet, but kept in their bosom 
till they would see what interest they could make in fa- 
vor of the French. 1 1 



162 THE LIFE OF 

NO. XVI. 

Conrad Weiser to Richard Peters, 1748. 

Tulpehocken, March 28, 1748. 
Sir: 

I let you know by these lines that our old friend, 
Shekallamy, with his eldest son, came down from Sha- 
mokin at my request. They arrived this afternoon. I 
wanted to consult with him about the journey to Ohio, 
and to hear what passes among the Indians on Susque- 
hanna river and elsewhere. Shekallamy informs me he 
had certain intelligence that some of the Chiefs of the 
Six Nations will be down early this spring to pay a 
visit to their brethren in Philadelphia, and to transact 
an aifair at Shamokin concerning the Delaware Indians 
and their deceased King Olumapies. This was agreed 
upon at the Council at Onondago last fall. Shekallamy 
had this account from a Onondago Indian, and also 
from a Cayugas Indian. He further informs me that 
two of the Indians that were at Philadelphia last fall 
from Ohio, staid all winter at Juniata. One is there 
still ; the other on his way homewards was detained at 
Shamokin by the high waters, and lodged several nights 
at Shekallamy's house. His name is Hodeecherich, of 
whom Shekallamy learned "that the Indians on Ohio 
had not proclaimed war against the French ; that they 
would do nothing against the French before the Six 
Nations had declared war; that they were altogether 
subject to the Six Nations ; that upon the first notice 
they should receive from the Six Nations, tliey would 
act against the French, and not before ; that it was 
the Zisagechroanus that had committed hostilities against 



CONRAD WEISER. 163 

the French, and had desired the Indians between Lake 
Erie and Ohio to join them ; that the Indians on Ohio 
sent them (or their belt of wampum) to the Six Nations ; 
that the Indians about Ohio were all inclined to keep a 
good correspondence with the English and protect their 
traders, and that they expect nothing else but to have a 
war with the French/' So far Hodeecherich. She- 
kallamy for his own part tells me " that he was well as- 
sured the information of the said Hodeecherich was true 
and that the journey to Ohio would avail but little ; 
that he has no inclination to go, yet, if I insisted ujjon it, 
he would accompany me/' This, sir, is the substance 
of what Shekallamy told me, and I have thought fit to 
send my son with it by express to Philadelphia, and I 
hope you will lay it before the President and Council 
and let my son be dispatched with their result. If the 
journey should be delayed or given over, what must be 
said to the Indians by George Croghan ? His own 
cargo Ls already gone, and he must follow it in a few 
days. I will undertake a ride to George Croghan's, let 
things go as they will, before he goes to the woods. I 
reckon he will be greatly disappointed, he having kept 
about twenty horses in readiness to carry the goods. I 
am ready to do whatever the President and Council will 
be pleased to signify to me, and so conclude and remain. 
Your humble servant, 

CONRAD WEISER. 



NO. XVII. 

Conrad Weiser to Richard Peters, 1748. 

Heidelberg, July 10, 1748. 
Kind Sir : 

I was favored with yours tliis day over Lancaster 



164 THE LIFE OP 

I say yours of the 25th of last month/ If I have an 
opportunity, I will let the Indians at Shamokin know 
of the Governor of New York's answer. I cannot go up 
myself, because the time for my setting out for Ohio is 
so near. I have agreed to be at George Croghan's on 
the 1 8th of this instant, where I hope to see Shekalla- 
my's eldest son, who was sent up by his father to the 
Six Nations, and since his arrival, his father send word 
to me to come to Shamokin to be informed of what 
passes among the Six Nations, but I did not let them 
know that I must at the aforesaid time set out for Ohio, 
per order of the Government, and I could not come to 
Shamokin, desired him at the same time that himself or 
his son would be so good as to come to George Cro- 
ghan's to confer with me about several things. Whether 
he will come or not, I cannot tell. He is not altogether 
pleased with my journey to Ohio, nor is he much liked 
by the Indians at that place. If I must go to Sha- 
mokin, it must be per order of the President and Coun- 
cil, that is, in case neither Shekallamy nor his sons 
come to George Croghan's. 

I hear no more of the deputies of the Towicktowicks 
and Shawonos, whom Andrew is gone to meet. What- 
ever is become of them, perhaps they are yet in Logs- 
town on the Ohio. I don't intend to stay for them, 
without they meet me before I leave George Croghan's, 
from which place I shall write to you once more, and 
bid you farewell. I remain, sir. 

Your very obedient, 

CONRAD wp:isp:r. 

Favor me with a line or two by the bearer hereof, 
who is a waggoner, and no doubt in a hurry. J hope 



CONRAD WEISER. 165 

everything is sent up to G. Croghan ; if not, this man 
can take what is forgot. 



NO. XVIIT. 

Conrad Weiser to R. Peters, 1748. 

Lancaster, July 14, 1748. 
Sir: 

I came to this town the night before last, to settle 
some affair of my own before my setting out for Ohio, 
and the moment that I write this, Mr. George Croghan 
came to town and informs that the Indian deputies, to 
wit : the two Towicktowicks (Twigthwees), three Shaw- 
nese, two head (principal) men of the Six Nations, with 
some others, making in all 18 persons, including a 
couple of women (two women), are by the way between 
this town and John Harris' Ferry, and design to be 
here in Lancaster to-morrow, and they desire that their 
brethren, some of the Council, will meet them in this 
town, they being very weary of their journey and almost 
starved for want of provisions, and are afraid that the 
city of Philadelphia is sickly. Andrew Montour is 
gone down from John Harris to my house, in order to 
give me notice. I intend to go home immediately to 
meet him, and so come back again to this town to wait 
upon the Council. I understand what will be said by 
the Indians will be in the Six Nation language by the 
said Chiefs. The Indians desire to be heard as soon as 
possible, and I hope the Council will be as willing to 
dispatch them. I have nothing to add, but remain, sir. 
Your most obedient, 

CONRAD WEISER. 



166 THE LIFE OF 

NO. XIX. 

Conrad Weiser to R. Peters, 1748. 

Sir: 

Yours by Mr. Wm. Franklin I received last night, 
with my instructions and the Proclamation. I am just 
now preparing to set out for Lancaster again, to join the 
Indians. I understand the rainy weather stopped them 
a day at John Harris. 

As Mr. Parsons will (I hope) deliver this to you, 
with a draft of that piece of land he laid out for me by 
your order, (I find it is above 400 acres,) he will cut off 
on the side of the hill, if you require it, so much as you 
shall think fit. But I would rather have it all, and j>ay 
to the Honorable, the proprietors, as they (or you) shall 
think fit. I don't doubt but that their Honors will let 
me have it as soon as any other man. Therefore I pray, 
let it be conveyed to me, and I will do what will be re- 
quired of me. The other small tract I had conveyed to 
me by proprietary warrant, on the usual conditions ; also 
the right of William Eonst to 37 acres adjoining. I 
would have a patent, for a good part is paid ; the rest I 
Avill pay before I take the patent out of your or Mr. 
Lardner's hands. I have nothing to add, but must de- 
sire (since my journey will be delayed till the first of 
August next) if any further news of peace reaches you, 
you will spare no trouble to communicate it. I am, sir. 
Your very humble servant, 

CONRAD WEISER. 

Heidelberg, July 17, 1748. 
To Richard Peters, Esq., 

Secretary of Pennsylvania. 



CONRAD WEISER. 167 

NO. XX. 

Conrad Weiser to Secretary Peters, 1748. 

Lancaster, August 4, 1748. 
Sir: 

I was favored with yours of the 30th of last month. 
Included was the instruction of the Council concerning 
the Governor of South Carolina's affair, and I perceive 
the people that have been killed and carried off in Caro- 
lina must have been killed by the Senecas, in company 
with some French Praying Indians. The particular 
words Andrew told me are thus : That after the Com- 
missioners had mentioned the affair to the Indians at the 
last treaty here in Lancaster, the young Shawano Chief 
Lawack Kamicky told Andrew that it was well knovm 
that some oj the aforesaid Indians, to wit, Seneca and 
Praying Indians that came from the tear thm last npring 
had killed, some white people. So far Andrew told me, 
and told me further that I might depend upon the truth 
of the story ; but, however, I will inquire further, and 
will let you know if I can learn more before I set out 
from George Croghans. 

I have bought the goods of G. Croghan, ordered by 
the Commissioners for the Twigthwees, and have this 
day delivered his bill with all the rest to Thomas Cook- 
son, to be sent to you. The charges run very high, yet 
I cannot see of which bill I could cut off, and must 
leave them to the Government. As to the number of 
Indians and the time they have been within the inhab- 
ited part and in Lancaster, I am satisfied the bills are 
right. The Xontikook Indians have been very troub- 
lesome to us. They were like so many wolfs, and I had 



16(S THE LIFE OF 

no influence on them upon no account. There came 
but 18 persons from Ohio, with the said Nontikooks, 
antl a few Conestoga Indians. TJie number of Indians 
liere in Lancaster, present at the last treaty, amounted 
to 55 persons, among whom were four sick, Avhich gave 
particular trouble and charges. The Twigthwees I left 
in very good thoughts of the English, and I am, for my 
part, satisfied they are sincere in our interest; and within 
a year or two you will see a good many of the far In- 
dians in Pennsylvania, be it war or peace. I have given 
every one of the Indians such present as I was ordered 
by the Commissioners, that is to say, to the Twigthwees. 
To the others that conducted them down I gave to each 
of them a strout match-coat, a shirt, a pair of Indian 
stockings, a knife and one-half barrel of powder and 100 
pounds of lead, one pound of vermilion betwixt them 
all. This last I took out of the general present. The 
Nontikooks stood and looked very dull, because they 
got nothing. I w^as quite out of humor with them for 
the disorder they occasioned ; yet, upon a second 
thought, I gave them 25 pounds of powder and 50 
pounds of lead out of the general present, rather to please 
the Indians from Ohio (that they might keep what little 
they had received) than the said Nontikooks, with which 
they went oif, glad to have something. I had told them 
that they were very indiscreet people to hunt the stranger 
all along without any order or recpiest from the Gover- 
nor of Pennsylvania, or these people themselves, except 
two or three of them. 

Andrew Montour has pitched upon a place in the 
proprietor's manor, at Canataqueany. He expects that 
the Government shall build him a house there and fur- 



CONRAD WEISER. 169 

iiish his family wish necessaries. In short, I am at a 
lops what to say of him. I am much concerned about 
him. He seems to be very hard to please. I should 
think myself happy if I had nothing to do in public af- 
fairs and could turn a farmer entirely. At present I 
leave you, but shall take my farewell at George Cro- 
ghan's, from whence I will write to you again. I re- 
main, sir, Your obedient, 

CONRAD WEISER. 

P. S. I gave my account against the Governor to 
Mr. Kinscy ; but as for my last services I have sent 
no account. You know I have been twice in Philadel- 
phia since last spring, per order of the Council. The 
first journey 11 days; the second, 12 from home. Be- 
sides my services at the last treaty, being in that time 
18 days in the Government's service. All this I leave 
to your care. 

To Richard Peters, Esq., 

Secretary to the Government, Phila. 



NO. XXI. 

Conrad Weiser to R. Peters, 1748. 

Tuscarora Path, August 15, 1748, 
Sir: 

By these lines I let you know that I set out from my 
house on the 11th instant, and am no further yet than 
this place, that is, about 50 miles beyond G. Croghan's. 
Scaroyiaty, with a few more of the Indians that attended 
the last treaty, were still at G. C.'s. They had been in- 
formed that the people here were to be turned off by the 
Government, and I suppose the people used them w^ell 



170 THE LIFE OF 

on their coming by, and informed them of the design. 
They, the Indians, asked me about them, and desired 
that at least two families, to wit, Abraham Shlechl and 
another, might stay, that they, the said Indians, had 
given them liberty, and that they thought it was in their 
power to give liberty to such as they liked, and if any 
of the people now living there were turned off, nobody 
else should settle there, they being informed that as soon 
as the people w^ere turned off, others w^ould be put on 
the land, such as the Government liked. One Jacob 
Biat is now here to choose a place. It is likely the 
thing was not carried on according to your orders, but it 
is neither the Sheriff's nor the Justice's fault. The 
proclamation has been this minute read to the people, 
who, for the most part, (I believe every one) are willing 
to go off next spring if not a more favorable order 
comes from the Government. The Indians have desired 
me not to join to turn off the people till I came from 
Ohio. I promised I would not. I shall overtake them 
to-morrow on the road they are gone before me. The 
l)eople that live here are very poor, and I believe the two 
families the Indians wish to stay are honest, notwith- 
standing what has been reported. I have little or noth- 
ing to write to you further. I am in perfect health and 
in every part well. I had promised to write a few lines 
to Mr. J. Logan, but 1 have nothing worth while to 
trouble him with. I desire of you to mention my hearty 
respect to him, and that I promise myself his good 
wishes and the same of yourself. It is possible I may 
be obliged to pay the debt of human nature before I get 
home. I beg you will continue the same to my family, 
who are both his and yours, very obedient and dutiful, 

CONRAD WEISER. 



CONRAD WEISER. 171 

P. S. Mr. Franklin's son is very well, as are all the 
rest of my companions. We intend to set out to-morrow 
morning from this place. 
To Richard Peters, Esq., 

Secretary to the Government, Phila. 



NO. XXII. 

Conrad Weiser to Gov. Hamilton, 1749. 

Sir: 

By these lines I let you know that I returned from 
Shamokin on the 1 8th instant. I happened to meet the 
eldest and youngest son of Shekallamy at the trading 
house of Thomas McKee, about 20 miles this side of 
Shamokin, by whom I was informed that all the Indi- 
ans had left Shamokin for the present time, because of 
want of provision, so I thought best to deliver my mes- 
sage there to the sons of Shekallamy. There were three 
more of the Six Nation Indians ; one of them was To- 
ganogon, a noted man among the Cayugas. All that I 
had to do was to let the children and grand-children of 
our deceased friend, Shekallamy, know that the Gover- 
nor of Pennsylvania and his Council condoled with them 
for the death of their father, which I did accordingly, 
and gave them a small present, in order to wipe oif their 
tears, according to the custom of the Indians. The 
present consisted of six strout match-coats and seven 
shirts, with a string of wampum. After this was over, 
I gave another string of wampum to Taghneghdoarus, 
Shekallamy's eldest son, and desired him to take upon 
him the care of a Chief in the stead of his deceased fa- 
ther, and to be our true correspondent until there should 



172 THE IJFE OF 

be a meeting between the Governor of Pennsylvania and 
some of the Six Nation Chiefs, and then he should be 
recommended by the Governor to the Six Nation Chiefs 
and confirmed, if he would follow in the footsteps of his 
deceased father. He accepted thereof, and I sent a string 
of wampum by Toganogon (who was then setting out 
for Cayuckquo) to Onondago, to let the Council of the 
Six Nations know of Shekallamy's death and my trans- 
action by order of the Governor. There was a necessity 
for my so doing. The Indians are very uneasy about 
the ^vhite people's settling beyond the Endless moun- 
tains on Juniata, on Sherman's creek and elsewhere. 
They tell me that above thirty families are settled upon 
the Indians' land this spring, and daily more go to set- 
tle thereon. Some have settled almost to the head of 
Juniata river, along the path that leads to Ohio. The 
Indian says (and that with truth) that that country is 
their only hunting ground for deers, because further to 
the north there was nothing but spruce woods and the 
ground covered with ])alm brushes. Not a single deer 
could be found or killed there. They asked me very 
seriously whether their brother Onas had given the peo- 
ple leave to settle there. I informed them of the con- 
trary, and told them that I believe some of the Indians 
from Ohio, that were down last summer, had given lib- 
erty (with what right I could not ^ell) to settle. I told 
them of what passed on the Tuscarora Path last sum- 
mer when the Sheriff and three Magistrates were sent to 
turn off the people then settled, and that I then per- 
ceived that the people were favored by some of the In- 
dians above mentioned, by which means the orders of 
the Governor came to no effect. So far they were con- 



CONRAD WEISER. 173 

tented, and said that the thing must lie as it is till the 
Six Nation Chiefs would be down and converse with the 
Governor of Pennsylvania about the affair. I have 
nothing else to add, but remain, sir, 

Your very obedient, 

CONRAD WEISER. 
Heidelberg, April 22, 1749. 

A list of the present I bought of Thomas McKee for 
the family of Shekallamy, deceased : 

£ s. d. 
To 6 strout mach-coats, at 25 a piece, . 7 10 00 

To 7 shirts, 3 10 00 

To sundry small things, . . . 15 00 

To three strings of wampum I gave, all the 
three strings amounting to 1500, at five 
shillings per hundred, . . . . 3 15 00 



Total, £15 10 00 

NO. XXIII. 

Conrad Weiser to Gov. Hamilton, 1750. 

Lancaster, May 4, 1750. 
Sir: 

I was favored with yours of the 28th of April last, 
by Mr. John Lawrence, with the enclosed package from 
the Governor of New York to the Governor of Penn- 
sylvania, with the dispatches of that great man, Wara- 
ghiyagee, to his Governor, and as I am desired to give 
my thoughts about it to his Honor, the Governor, I 
shall not trouble you with enlarging on this. You may 
easily call to mind what I always said to you about the 



174 THE LIFE OF 

administration in Indian affairs of our neighbors. This 
is a proof thereof. You tell me, sir, that you were sur- 
prised that there was not one word in my letter relating 
to the new purchase. I hope you did not expect that I 
should consult anything about with the son of Shekal- 
lamy, which would have been wrong, but if it was be- 
cause no answer arrived from the Six Nations to the 
belt of wampum the Governor gave them last summer, 
I am equally surprised, but am apt to think that the 
Council of the Six Nations was but summoned this 
spring, because I heard that most of the Indians that 
have been down with us last summer, staid all winter 
upon the heads of the Susquehanna to hunt, as it was 
hunting time before they passed Shamokin. I believe 
it to be true, but I still expect a messenger from Onon- 
dago this summer with an answer to the said belt. 

As to what belongs to my survey at Mokomay I am 
well pleased with your answer, and am obliged to you 
for your good will and affection. 

Mr. Croghan came home but last Monday night and 
rested only one day, and so came down to Lancaster. 
Andrew Montour came down with him from Ohio to 
his house (I mean to Mr. Croghan^s house) and did in- 
tend to go to Philadelphia some time next week, and is 
wanting my company, but as I expect you up, I told 
Mr. Croghan to stop Andrew till you came, which 
would be on the 15th instant to John Harris'. In your 
last you desire me not to mention it to anybody that 
you were coming up ; but, sir, in yours of last week, on 
this subject, you did not say so, and therefore I made 
no particular privacy of it, although I don't know 
whether I told anybody of it till I came to Lancaster, 



CONRAD WEISER. 175 

before I received your last. As to what concerns Mr. 
Croghan and Andrew Montour, you will receive infor- 
mation of Mr. Croghan himself. 

In some of my last letters you were informed of 
Reading aifairs, and that we got water at 52 or 53 feet. 
I hope you will come that way and be at my house on 
Saturday night, 12th instant, and I will make you as wel- 
come as I can, and make you Governor of my place as 
long as you will please to stay with us. 

I cannot help mentioning to you that I positively 
believe that Waraghiyagee squanders a great deal of 
money in a year, which the public must pay, and I am 
satisfied he has not wit enough to know the Indians 
thoroughly, but I hope he does not fall short of honesty. 
I have nothing to trouble you further with till I shall 
have the pleasure to see you. I remain, sir, 
Your well known servant, 

CONRAD WEISER. 
To Richard Peters, Esq., 

Secretary at Philadelphia. 



NO. XXIV. 

Conrad Weiser to R. Peters, 1750. 

Bethlehem, Bucks Co., Sept. 30, 1750. 
Sir: 

By these lines I let you know that I am safely re- 
turned on my journey from Onondago to this place last 
night, and hope to find my family in perfect health by 
to-morrow. I wish I could inform you by these lines 
of a great deal of agreeable news, but I cannot. Our 
friend Canassetego was buried to-day before I came to 



176 THE LIFE OP 

Onondago, and Solconwauaghly, our other good friend, 
died some time before. He that is at the head of affairs 
now is a professed Roman Catholic, and altogether de- 
voted to the French. The French priests have made a 
hundred converts of the Onondagas, that is to say, men, 
women and children, and they are all clothed and walk 
in the finest clothes, dressed with silver and gold, and I 
believe that the English interest among the Six Nations 
ca.i be of no consideration any more. The Indians 
speak with contempt of the New York and Albany 
people, and much the same of the rest of the English 
Colonies. I conclude and desire you will mention my 
humble respects to his Honor, our Governor. I am, sir. 
Your very obedient, 

CONRAD WEISER. 
P. S. Within a few days I will send you a copy of 
my journal, where you will see my proceedings. 



NO. XXY. 

Conrad Weiser to Gov. Hamilton, 1751. 

May it Please the Governor : 

By a letter of the 13th instant from the Secretary, I 
understand that the Governor with the Speaker and 
Members of the House of Representatives of this Prov- 
ince were unanimous that 1 should go to Ohio to dis- 
tribute the presents on the 15th of May, at Logstown, 
and that it was thought I could do this and have time 
enough to go to Albany afterwards. With submission 
I would say that it is now impossible that the goods can 
be at Logstown by the 15th of May. Time will show 
that what T here say is true ; and, besides this, the In- 



CONRAD WEISER. 177 

dians cannot be sent for until the goods are on the spot, 
because this is a hungry time with the Indians, and the 
few that live in Logstown cannot provide for the rest 
that come from other towns. Should the goods be 
stopped on the way by rainy weather or rising of the 
creeks, or by any other accident, it would create discon- 
tent and ill ivill by many of the deputies to wait with an 
empty belly for the goods, of which they might after all 
share but little. I have experienced something of this 
in the year 1748, when the goods could not come to 
Logstown according to the time appointed. So that 
upon the whole I am well assured if I was to go I could 
not be back again before the middle or latter end of 
June next, and then the treaty at Albany would be 
over ; and before I could reach Albany, the Indians of 
the Six Nations would be gone home. It is my humble 
opinion that my presence at the ensuing treaty at Al- 
bany will be of more consequence than the journey to 
Ohio. George Croghan and Andrew Montour are every 
way qualified to do that business, since there is no par- 
ticular treaty to be held at Ohio. They must act ac- 
cording to your Honor\s instruction. If Mr. Croghan^s 
integrity is questioned, some of the traders at Ohio might 
be required to be present and see the goods delivered, 
article for article. I am satisfied there are some men on 
Ohio that will not spare or favor him. As for my part, 
I believe he will do all in his power to act according to 
your Honor's commands and leave no room for suspi- 
cion, as it is well known that the Indians on Ohio take 
their measures from the Six Nations, which are to be fixed 
for the English at Albany. I may, perhaps, in con- 
junction with Col. Johnson, to whom I have written on 
12 



178 Tan LIF^E OF 

the subject, be of service to the Governor of Xew York, 
so that upon what is said I hope your Honor will be 
pleased to excuse me for this time from going to Ohio. 
I am willing to go to Albany if your Honor or the As- 
sembly persist in their former orders. 

By Mr. Parsons I had sent a letter to Mr. Peters, 
the Secretary (but the contents were to your Honor), 
about my intention of taking my son Sammy with me 
to the Mohawk country, and to leave him there to learn 
the Mohawk language, under the care of one Daniel 
Claus, a young gentleman lately come from Germany, 
etc. ; and as I cannot expect an answer from the Secre- 
tary, I hope he has by this time sent the letter to your 
Honor. I must, therefore, beg the favor of your Hon- 
or's sentiments about the premises mentioned in that 
letter. I am_, sir, 

Your most obedient, 

CONRAD WEISP:R. 

Heidelberg, April 22, 1751. 



NO. XXVI. 

Conrad Weiser to Gov. Hamilton, 1754. 

May it Please the Governor : 

Last night I arrived safe from my journey to Sha- 
mokin and Wyoming, of which I think I am obliged 
by your Honor's orders to lay before you a just and dis- 
tinct account, which is as follows : April 27th 1 set out 
from home and went by the way of John Harris' and 
Thomas McKee's, beino- afraid of the two hii^-h moun- 
tains and the bad road that leads from them to Slia- 
mokin. 1 arrived at Shamokin on the 20th of April ; 



CONRAD WEISER. 179 

found that two of the Shekallamys were about 30 miles 
off on the northwest branch of the Susquehanna, com- 
monly called Two Machson. I sent a messenger for 
them, there being a great number of Indians at and 
about Shamokin. I thought fit to send my son with 
James Logan, the lame son of Shekallamy, with an- 
other Indian, to Oskohary, Niskibeckon and Woya- 
mock, three Indian towns on Susquehanna (northeast 
branch), with your Honor's message. They set out 
from Shamokin on the 22d by water, because there was 
no fodder to be had on the way for the horses. On the 
26th they came back again and reported that they lodged 
the first night at Oskohary with Lapackpitton, the chief 
man, and Sammy interpreted your Honor's message 
Mohawk to James Logan, and he to Lapackpitton 
Delaware. That Lapackpitton was well pleased w 
the message, thanked them very kindly, and gave them 
the string of wampum back again which they had given 
him, and told them it was best to leave the string at 
Niskibeckon, where there were more Indians, with old 
Nutimus, their Chief. When they arrived at Niski- 
beckon, old Nutimus was from home, but the rest of the 
Indians received the message very kindly, and said they 
would lay it before Nutimus and the rest of their Indi- 
ans after they should come home. At Woyamock it 
was just the same. Paxanosy, the chief man there, was 
from home also. The message with another string of 
wampum was taken well by those that were at home. 
It is supposed they will have a Council together when 
they all come home, which will be at their planting 
time. 

In the meantime that Sammy was gone up to Woya- 



m 



ith 



180 THE LIFE OF 

mock, I went up the northwest branch about twenty 
miles to see some Indians, in particular one that came 
from the Cayuga country, but missed him. However, 
John Shekallamy told me all the news he brought from 
Cayinkquo, which is inserted in the paper of Indian 
news herewith sent. 

The Indians on the Susquehanna and about Shamokin 
saw some of the New England men that came as spies 
to Woyamock last fall ; and they saw them making off 
drafts of the lands and rivers, and are much offended 
about it. They asked me about them. I told them we had 
heard so much as that, and that we had intelligence from 
New England that they came against the advice of their 
superiors as a parcel of headstrong men and disturbers 
of the peace. They, the Indians, said they were glad to 
hear that neither their brother Onas nor their own chief 
men had sent them, and they hoped they would not be 
supported by any English Government in their so do- 
ing. The Nanticokes are gone up the river to live at 
Olsenencky, a branch of the Susquehanna, where form- 
erly some Onondagas and Shawnese lived. 

The Indians in general about Shamokin inquire 
strongly about what the English are doing against the 
Erench on Ohio. They seemed too mightily pleased 
when 1 told them that the Government of Virginia had 
sent five or six hundred men and that a great number 
would be sent by North Carolina, but they wondered 
why Pennsylvania would not assist their brethren. 1 
told them that I hoped they still would, though per- 
haps not at tliis time. They said, perhaps it will l)etoo 
late then, for the Indians said they will not engage be- 
fore they see the English fight the Erench courage- 



CONRAD WEISER. 181 

oiisly with one accord, I have nothing to add, but am, 
sir, 

Your very obedient and humble servant, 

CONRAD WEISER. 
Heidelberg, Berks Co., May 2, 1754. 



NO. XXVII. 

Conrad Weiser to Gov. Hamilton, 1754. 

Honored Sir : 

I have the pleasure to let you know that I arrived 
safe from Aucquick yesterday, and herein enclosed is a 
copy of my journal, in which I have been, perhaps, too 
copious. It was chiefly done for my own memory, and 
at last I thought proper to send a copy thereof as it is. 
I hope your Honor will find a leisure hour to read it. 
I send herein enclosed also an account of the money I 
was trusted with by your Honor. I am sensible I did 
not everywhere act according to the instruction, if lit- 
erally to be taken, but I hope no fault will be found 
when it is considered that if I had the laying out of all 
the three hundred pounds and bought provisions for it 
at Aucquick, or rather among the inhabitants, the car- 
riage and the distribution of it must have been left to 
Mr. Croghan. He might (if he intended it) purloin a 
great deal of it, but I have the opinion of him that he 
will do justice. I counted above twenty cabins about his 
house, and in them at least two hundred Indians, men, 
women and children, and a great many more are scat- 
tered thereabouts, some two or three miles oif, and fre- 
quently come to fetch meal at Mr. Croghan's. He has 
between twenty-five and thirty acres of the best Indian 



182 THE LIFE OF 

corn that ever T saw. He sends his servants every clay 
to fetch four or five bags full of roasting ears for them ; 
but there is not an hour in the day but what some steal 
in it and fetch more; and upon the whole, it is my 
opinion they will destroy one-half of it before it can be 
gathered in, to say nothing of the butter, milk, squashes, 
pumpkins they daily fetch, for all which, if he be not 
allowed, he must be a great loser. I advised him to 
charge for it what was reasonable, and to get two or 
three creditable men (as often come there from the in- 
habited parts) to value the corn that the Indians took 
away, and certify it. I cannot see what can be done 
else. Mr. Croghan must either be trusted to buy and 
distribute provisions or the Government must keep a 
man there, in whom they can confide, to receive the pro- 
visions from Mr. Croghan or those that bring it, and so 
distribute it according to the Governor's instructions. 
However, I believe the Indians will scatter before the 
winter comes, at least some of them. The Bloody Flux- 
got among some of them, and Lewis Montour, Andrew's 
brother, disturbs them often by bringing strong liquor 
to them. They cannot help buying and drinking it 
when it is so near, and Lewis sells it very dear to them 
and pretends that his wife, who is an ugly Lidian 
Squaw, does it. He sends Indians to the inhabitants to 
fetch it for him, and Mr. Croghan can by no means pre- 
vent it, because they keep it in the woods about or 
within a mile from his house, and there the Indians will 
go (after having notice) and drink away their clothing, and 
so come back to George Croghan's drunk and naked. It 
is a surju'ising thing that no meiins ctm be found to pre- 
vent the inhabitants in Cumberland county from selling 



CONRAD WEISER. 183 

strong liquor to the Indians. I am creditably informed 
that some of the Magistrates of that county sell the most. 
Mr. Smith was at Aucquick, I suppose to gather some 
money for liquor he sent. He is an old hypocrite. He 
told me that the Governor ought not to suffer any strong 
liquor to come to Aucquick. I asked him whether he 
would have the Governor to come up with his sword 
and pistol to prevent it ? No, said he. Well, then, 
said I, there is no other way for the Governor than to 
break you all and put others in commission that are no 
whiskey traders and will exercise their authority. 

Herewith I send Mr. Croghan's two last accounts, 
with the receipts thereon. Your Honor will observe in 
that dated September 6th that the first article is one 
thousand weight of flour. That article only was de- 
livered for the most part to the Indians before I came 
to Aucquick. All the rest in the time I was there was 
either delivered to them or to me and stored up. There 
is also charged one thousand of black wampum and 
twelve hundred white. These wampums Mr. Croghan 
made use of for Indian messages before I came there. I 
saw cause to allow it. The cask of powder and one 
hundred pounds of lead I gave to the Indians to hunt 
with. I have nothing else to trouble your Honor with 
at present and remain, sir. 

Your very obedient and humble servant, 

CONRAD WEISER. 

Heidelberg, Berks Co., Sept. 18, 1754. 

P. S. As I had time to converse with Tanacharis- 
son a good deal before I delivered the message, I found 
it was best not to mention anything about the Virgin- 
ians striking the French this fall ; but I told Tanach- 



184 THE LIFE OF 

arisson and Scarrooyady of it. 1 hope your Honor will 
condescend to it. The wampums are marked and your 
Honor will easily see to what article they belong. The 
largest belt of the Delawares is of very great conse- 
quence and importance, and ought to be answered in a 
very solemn manner by your Honor and the Council, 
including the House of Representatives, with a much 
larger belt and a moving speech. Though the 8haw- 
nese belt is an answer to one of ours, yet a belt of wam- 
pum to them with some good speech would at these 
times be of good use. We should give large belts. The 
wampums are cheap, and make, if worked into belts and 
attended with proper speeches, good impressions. I wish 
your Honor health and happiness, and am, sir, 

C. WEISER. 

NO. XX Y III. 

Extract from Conrad Weiser's Letters of the 
16th and 26th of October, 1754. 

"As to the Connecticut aifair I am clearly of opinion 
that by order of the Governor you should write to Hen- 
drick, putting him in mind of his promise made to the 
Commissioners of this Province in Albany, when he 
said that he would come down to us upon any occasion, 
to advice with the Governor as in the presence of the 
Most High, and that the Governor wants to see him 
now to consult with him in this critical time about mat- 
ters of moment. Daniel Clans might come with him. 
He knows the way by land, as he traveled it with me 
in the year 1750, to wit, from the Upper Mohawk Cas- 
tle to Schoharie or Palantine towns, CatskiU and Kings- 



CONRAD WEISER. 185 

ton, leaving Albany a great way to the left hand. If 
Hendrick refuses to come, he may be suspected to have 
a hand in it, and we must then act by the Shekallamys 
and Jonathan, and as secretly as possible, otherwise Ly- 
dias and that wicked Priest at Conojochary will defeat 
our designs. I would in the meantime advice to have 
belts of wampum provided, and two or three large belts, 
all black. You will want a couple to send to the South 
before long, and one must be made use of to demolish 
I^ydias' proceedings. Mr. Clans must be ordered to 
keep everything relating to this affair as a secret, and to 
search very diligently whether Henry had no hand in 
signing the deed to the Connecticut people. If he had 
not, we shall succeed without doubt. He must have the 
liberty to bring one or more Indians with him. If all 
won't do, and that Henry will not come, we must send 
to Onondago next spring, etc. I should be sorry if the 
Connecticut people should countenance the deed that 
Lydias so feloniously got. If they do, and settle upon 
the land, there will certainly be bloodshed, for the In- 
dians always said they would never suffer any white 
people to settle Wyoming or higher up, and if an In- 
dian or French war should break out, the consequence 
of the Connecticut people settling there would be bad 
on the English side, because the Indians would then be 
obliged to move away, and to where can they move — 
only to Ohio ; and there they woukl be under the in- 
fluence of the French and in their interest, as the Sene- 
cas and Onondagas now are, and perhaps the rest of the 
Six Nations don't think themselves safe without creep- 
ing under the wings of their father Onontio." 



186 THE LIFE OF 

NO. XXIX. 

Conrad Weiser to Col. Johnson, 1765. 



Kind Sir : 

I take this opportunity to trouble you with a few 
lines. Having read the Secretary's, Mr. Peter's, to you, 
dated either the 21st or 22d instant, I since thought, 
upon reflecting on it, that something about the ensuing 
treaty with some of the deputies of the Six Nations at 
Mount Johnson required a little more explanation. 
Whether I am wrong or right, you will be best able to 
judge, when you compare mine and Mr. Peters' together. 

First. Henry Brandt and Seth undertook to assist in 
the affair against the Connecticut people in making that 
deed, obtained by Lydias from the Six or some of the 
Six Nations, void, as it was obtained in a very wicked 
manner. 

Secondly. That they would secure things concerning 
the land in Mr. Penn's grant so sure to the proprietaries 
of Pennsylvania as to put it out of any such as Lydias' 
power to do any more mischief. 

Thirdly. That in all this they will consult with you 
about everything, and proceed according to your advice. 

Fourthly. When the time is fixed that the treaty 
shall be, to give Mr. Peters notice as soon as possible, so 
that the treaty be early in the spring. The notice is 
meant to come from your Honor. 

In my humble opinion, the more secret this can be 
carried on, the better. Let Mr. Claus l>e sent to Onon- 
dago with some one or two of Henry's friends. By 
what I can learn, the Indians are sorry for what hap- 
pened, and will be very glad to see things put upon 



CONRAD WEISER. 187 

such a footing that the proprietaries of Pennsylvania 
shall have what the King has granted them, and that 
the Indians may come oft* as blameless as possible, and 
the wickedness of Lydias be exposed. I believe I have 
no need to trouble you with more words, knowing that 
Mr. Peters wrote a long letter to you. I wish you 
health and happiness, and am, sir. 

Your most humble servant, 

CONRAD WEISER. 
Philadelphia, January 23, 1755. 



NO. XXX. 

Conrad Weiser to Gov. Morris, 1755. 

Honored Sir : 

I must inform you that I have been visited this win- 
ter by a good number of Indians, chiefly of those that 
came away last year from Ohio, because of the invasion 
of the French, whom they hate and wili not live in their 
neighborhood. The first Company that came consisted 
of 19 persons, all of the Six Nation Indians, one Jona- 
than Cayienquily-quoah at their head. They arrived 
on the 27th and 28th of January last. The second 
Company that came consisted chiefly of Shawnese, 12 in 
number. They arrived on the 20th of this same month 
and went off" altogether on the 26th and 27th instant. 
They jointly intend to make a town next spring on the 
western branch of the Susquehanna, commonly called ^ 
Otsinackson, at a place called Otstuagy or Frenchtown,' "5^- 
about 40 miles above Shamokin, and they gave me tlie 
enclosed string of wampum, to send it to Philadelphia, 
with a short speech to the following purport : '^Brother, 



188 THE LIFE OF 

the Governor of Pennsylvania : We, your brethren, have 
been obliged to come away from Ohio, because we would 
not live so nigh the French, but rather nigh our breth- 
ren, the English, in these critical times, but we deprived 
ourselves by that means of a good hunting ground and 
our little corn fields. We intend to build a town at 
Otstuagy, on Otsinackson river, and pray that you will 
be so good, considering our poverty, as to send some of 
your industrious people up next spring to fence in a 
small piece of ground for a corn field for us, and we will 
thankfully acknowledge your favors. Jonathan Cayi- 
enxuilyquoah, the Speaker, gave a string of wampum." 
I received the string of w^ampum, and promised to send 
it to the Governor of Pennsylvania by the first safe op- 
portunity and transmit his answer to them according to 
direction. Before these Indians left me, they made me 
a present of some skins, to the value of about four 
pounds, ten shillings, as a satisfaction for the expense 
and trouble I have been at during their stay. I re- 
ceived it and thanked them, but I must bring in an ac- 
count against the Province next August, and hope your 
honor, after perusing it, will recommend it to the House 
of the General Assembly for better satisfaction. 

I take this opportunity of informing your Honor 
that when Tachnechdorus, the Chief of Shamokin, of 
the Cayugas Nation, was down here in the beginning of 
the winter, he told me that the Indians about Sha- 
mokin and Otsinackson had been informed that a num- 
ber of people from New England had formed themselves 
into a body to settle the lands on the Susquehanna, and 
especially Seahautowano (Wyoming), and that against the 
advice of their Superiors, and asked me whether it was 



CONRAD WEISER. 189 

true what they had heard. I told him it was true as to 
their intentions (to settle that land), but whether with or 
without the advice of their Superiors I could not tell, 
but that I was persuaded by some letters I saw last fall 
in Philadelphia, it was against the advice of the Su- 
periors of that country. The said Chief then desired to 
make it known, 'Hhat whosoever of the whites should 
venture to settle any land on Wyoraock or thereabout, 
belonging hitherto to the Indians, will have his crea- 
tures killed first ; and then, if they did not desist, they 
themselves would be killed, without distinction, let the 
consequence be what it would.'' I found he had intel- 
ligence from the Indians up the river that some of the 
New England people had been there, spying the lands. I 
found this a difficult matter and was no way inclined to 
make it known to keep off trouble from myself; but the 
last visitors insinuated the same thing, so I resolved to 
acquaint your Honor with it, who is best able to judge 
what must be done to prevent bloodshed among us by 
the Indians, who would certainly (if they should do 
such a thing, as I fear that they will), out of a guilty 
conscience, submit themselves to the protection of the 
French. The consequence of that would be very disa- 
greeable to the English in general in this and the neigh- 
boring Colony. I have nothing else to trouble your 
Honor with at present, but with a great deal of pleasure 
subscribe myself, honored sir. 

Your most obedient and humble servant. 

CONRAD WEISER. 
Heidelberg, Berks Co., March 1, 1755. 
To the Hon. Robert Hunter Morris, Esq., 

Governor of Penna., residing in Phila. 



190 THE LIFE OP 

NO. XXXI. 

Conrad Weiser to R. Peters, 1755. 

Sir: 

My son Sammy is coming to you with two Indian 
boys, the sons of Jonathan Gayienquiligoa, a noted Mo- 
hawk that can read and write in his language, well 
known to you. He is poor, and prays that you, with 
the gentlemen managers of the Academy, will teach 
them to read and write in English, and to provide ne- 
cessaries of life for them, during their stay in Philadel- 
phia, which will be as long as it will require time to 
teach them. The biggest of them is a very intelligent 
boy and good-natured. The other is not so, but more 
of an Indian, and somewhat cross, as his father says. H 
you could prevail with Mr. Heintzelman, my son-in- 
law, for a few weeks to board with him, it would be 
agreeable to the lads, because my daughter is somewhat 
used to the Indians, and understands here and there a 
word. Then, afterwards, you can put them wliere you 
please. The name of the biggest is Jonathan, and the 
other\s name is Philip. I believe their father will let 
them stay long enough to learn the English to perfeo 
tion, provided proper care is taken of them, which 1 
hope will not be wanting. 

Jonathan wanted me to go to Philadelphia with the 
boys, but I thought Sammy could do as well. The In- 
dians on the Susquehanna are starving, and have almost 
nothing to eat, because the deers are scarce. He thought 
to have had an answer before now, concerning their j)e- 
tition to the Governor for some provisions and tht* fenc- 
ing ill of a ('«>rn field. 



eONRAB WEISER. 191 

French Margaret, with some of her family, is gone to 
the English camp in Virginia, and her son Nicklaus is 
gone to Ohio, to the French Fort. I suppose they want 
to join the strongest party, and are gone for information. 
The Indians that are with the French on the Ohio are 
chiefly Anakunkis, neighbors to New England, and nei- 
ther they, nor the rest (I can't learn their number), will 
be true to the French, as they give out to our Indians. 
The other Indians on the Ohio think our troops march 
too slow. They say they will be glad to see the French 
driven away from the Ohio. This report Avas brought 
by one of Jonathan's sons, from Ohio. He was not in 
the French Fort. He was afraid to come nigh it, but 
the Indians thereabout have told him so. 

I wrote to the Governor last week about the Indi- 
ans' petition. I hope he has received my letter. The 
Indians should have an answer. What can I say to 
them without having it from the Governor or Assem- 
bly ? and they are continually plagueing me for an an- 
swer, which I hope you will send, if you can, by this 
opportunity. I have nothing to add^ but am, sir. 
Your most humble servant, 

CONHAD WEISER. 

Heidelberg, May 19, 1755. 

P. S. Tachnechdorus sent word by Jonathan for 
me to come up to Shamokin ; that the Indians had 
something of importance to lay before me. 

I understood since, by Jonathan, that several messa- 
ges had arrived at Otsuacky, from the English army or 
Virginia (as was said), with strings of wampum, to fore- 
warn the Indians on the Susquehanna not to come nigh 
the army, for fear of being taken for French Indians, 
and to stay where they are. 



192 THE LIFE OF 

NO. XXXII. 

Conrad Weiser to Gov. Morris, 1755. 

Heidelberg, June 12, 1755. 
Honored Sir : 

Last night I arrived safe at my house from Otsu- 
acky, in Indian town about 45 miles above Shamokin, 
on the northwest branch of the Susquehanna river, 
where I have been with ten hired men to fence in a corn 
field for the Indians, according to your Honor's order. 
But when I came there, I found the Indians that peti- 
tioned the Governor for that purpose had mostly de- 
serted the place for want of provisions, and chiefly for 
having lost all their corn by that great frost in the night 
between the 29th and 30th of May last past, which was 
the second frost they had on that river since their corn 
was up, and entirely killed it. There were only Jona- 
than and one of the Cayugas, named Canadies, upon the 
spot with their families. They thanked your Honor 
very sincerely for the kindness you had shown in send- 
ing hands to fence in their corn field ; but said, that as 
they could have no hopes of getting one grain of corn this 
year from what they had planted, they thought it need- 
less to have a fence made about their fields, but should 
be extremely glad if the Government would help them 
with some provisions in their present necessity, which I 
promised to use my endeavors or to write to your Hohor 
to get it for them. I left one sack of flour with them. 
The same I did to the Indians at Canasoragy, about ten 
miles this side of Otsuacky, and two sacks at Shamokin, 
with the rest of the provisions that I took up with me 
for the hands and could now spare. 



CONRAD WEISER. 193 

I have bought of Christian Laver Lower, a miller oi 
Tulpehocken, 120 bushels of good wheat, and 60 bushels 
of Jacob Fisher, his neighbor, to be distributed among 
the Indians as your Honor will be pleased to direct. 

I gave them hopes that the meal should be delivered 
to John Harris' Ferry, where they could fetch it by wa- 
ter, and I believe it will be the cheapest way. There is 
a good wagon road from Christian Lower's mill to Har- 
ris' — the distance is about 40 miles — and wagons may 
be had reasonably. 

In my going up I took John Shekallamy with me, 
and as we passed by Canasoragy, where an Indian town 
now is, John told me that it would be very unmannerly 
or unbecoming for me not to say something to those Indi- 
ans ((!hiefly Shawnese and Chickasaws), as I was a pub- 
lic person and trusted with Indian affairs, and that the 
Indians longed to hear from the Governor of Pennsyl- 
vania how things are concerning the war, etc. 

I, therefore, told the Indians who were then met in 
Council, that I was sent by the Governor of Pennsylva- 
nia to Ostuacky to fence in a corn field for the Indians 
there, according to their petition sent down last winter 
to the Governor and his Council by Cayenquiligoa and 
others, and that the Governor took this opportunity to 
send his salutation to them, and had ordered me to ac- 
quaint them : 

First. That the King of Great Britain had sent a 
great number of men and ammunition, who are now on 
their march to drive away the French from Ohio by 
force. 

Secondly. That no war was yet proclaimed between 
the English and French, but that it was daily expected ; 
13 



194 THE LIFE OF 

that in the meantime the Governor desires them to stop 
their ears to everything that the French could say to 
them and to listen altogether to the English, and to de- 
pend upon that their brethren, the English, will strictly 
observe the treaties of friendship existing between them 
and their brethren, the Indians. 

Thirdly. That as soon as the Governor would re- 
ceive the news of war being proclaimed between the Eng- 
lish and French, the Governor would let them know, 
and whatever else should pass worth their notice. 

Gave a string of wampum. 

There are about twenty men in this town when they 
are all at home. Five or six of them are Chickasaws 
that lived many years among the Shawnese. There hap- 
pened then to be two messengers from the Chickasaw 
Nation in the town with some particular message to 
them. I could not then learn what it was. One of 
these messengers told me that his Nation would be 
mighty glad to see the English in earnest to fight the 
French ; that they, the Chickasaws, had observed that 
wherever the French came, they did mischief, and that 
they are now generally hated among the southern In- 
dians. 

The Indians of this town informed me that a few 
days ago some Shawnese Indian came from Ohio and 
reported that the French are in a very poor condition at 
the Ohio, their })rovisions being half rotten, and that 
tiiere are not 150 men there, and that all their Indians 
had left them, but a very few French Praying Indians 
are yet with them. I have nothing else to trouble your 
Honor with at present, but am, sir. 

Your most obedient, 

CONRAD WEISER. 



CONRAD WEISER. 195 

NO. XXXIII. 

Conrad Weiser to Gov. Morris, 1755. 

Honored Sir : 

According to your order I came to this place last 
Monday, and found the Indians waiting for me. Yes- 
te-day I distributed about 200 bushels of meal among 
them. After that was over, they inquired how things 
stood as to the war. I told them what had happened 
to some of the black inhabitants, and that the French 
Indians were likely to do a great deal of mischief, etc. 
They seemed to be very much concerned. There were 
about thirty of them, out of which number nine offered 
themselves to go with me or my son Sammy to Wills' 
Creek and serve as outscouts against the French and 
their Indians, and to protect the poor people settled 
about those parts ; and it was agreed that they should 
meet me or my son at this place in ten days hence, and 
that in the meantime I was to obtain your Honor's 
leave and a proper pass. This morning Captain Glas- 
sier, express from the East, arrived at this place with the 
agreeable news of the defeat of the French at Nova Sco- 
tia, and the taking of the French men-of-war by Admi- 
ral Boscawen. I read and explained the printed paper 
to the Indians, and they expressed a good deal of satis- 
faction and pleasure with the news. Captain Glassier 
gave me to understand that he should be very glad if 
some of these Indians would accompany him to the 
English camp, with the dispatches he had for the Gen- 
eral, in this dangerous time. I proposed it to the Indi- 
ans. They approved of the thing. But having intelli- 
gence of your Honor's coming up, and that you would 



196 THE LIFE OF 

be in Lancaster this day, they would hear and receive 
your approbation ; and have accordingly desired me to 
stay with them at this place till your Honoris arrival, 
which I have promised to do, and have sent the bearer 
here of express to let your Honor know of this and to 
receive further order. I am, sir. 

Your very obedient and humble servant, 
CONRAD WEISER. 

John Harris' Ferry, July 9, 1755. 

To the Hon. Gov. Morris. 

P. S. Captain Glassier is in a great hurry, and If it 
is not convenient for your Honor to be up here in such 
time as is expected, let your order and passport for this 
end come. 



NO. XXXIY. 

Conrad Weiser to Gov. Morris, 1755. 

Honored Sir : 

I must inform you that on the same day you left 
John Harris', about twenty-five Indian women and chil- 
dren arrived from Aucquick, and only one man with 
them. They say that it was agreed u])on, when their 
husbands and young men went to the English army un- 
der General Braddock, they should come down to the 
inhabited parts, where they should be j)rovided for ; and 
as they had nobody to hunt for them, they could not 
live without being somehow assisted by their brethren, 
the English, ; and that a good many more were on their 
way coming down. 

I bought 500 weight of flour and gave it to them, 
and gave orders to John Harris that when tlie rest ar- 



CONRAD ^VE1SER. 197 

rived, to give them some flour also, till the Governor's 
pleasure should be known, which I desire your Honor 
will signify to me or John Harris as soon as possible. 

Jonathan and John Shekallamy will stay among the 
inhabitants till they hear from your Honor concerning 
the English army and Gen. Braddock. 

Our people are very malicious against our Indians. 
They curse and damn them to their faces and say, " Must 
we feed you, and your husbands fight in the meantime 
for the French, etc. ?'' 

I am your Honor's most obliged and faithful, hum- 
ble servant, CONRAD WEISER. 

To the Hon. Gov. Morris. 

Heidelberg, Berks Co., July 21, 1755. 



NO. XXXV. 

Conrad Weiser to Gov. Morris, 1755. 

Honored Sir : 

I received your commands on the 7th of this instant 
last past, and accordingly I set out next day for John 
Harris' Ferry. Coming there, I found that Scarroyady 
and a good many more were gone up the river, in order 
to settle about Shamokin, at least to hunt thereabout 
the next season. 

Tohashwughtonionty (commonly called the belt) was 
there still with Seneca George and five or six more el- 
derly men, and others to the number of fifty or sixty, 
including women and children. The belt came immedi- 
ately, with three more to shake hands with me, and after 
I had called for some drink, I told them that I came up 
in consequence of their late express, which was delivered 



198 THE LIFE OF 

to me in writing and verbal, and that 1 had sent it to 
the Governor of Pennsylvania immediately after I had 
received it by express, and was ordered by the Governor 
to come uj) and desire them to repeat their request over 
again to me for fear of any mistake in the interpretation. 
To this they agreed, and the belt made answer and said : 
^^ Brother, we have been told several times by several of 
our good friends, the peo})le of Pennsylvania, that In 
case a war should break out between our brethren, the 
English, and t\w, French, we must come and live nigh 
our brethren, and that they would support our wives 
and children while we are at war. So we did send for 
you to hear how that is, because we have never been told 
so in form as from the Government; and as some of 
our people have been tired here, we agreed to settle at 
Shamokin, and let our brethren, the Governor and the 
people of Pennsylvania, know that we did so, and to de- 
sire them to assist us with some provisions.'' Then the 
belt went and fetched a string of wampum and told me 
that by that string of wampum he was to inform their 
brethren of what he had just said, and according to what 
was agreed upon in their Council to ask some assistance, 
nnd to desire me to go to Philadelphia myself and so- 
licit their cause. 

Here he gave the string of wampum. 

I made answer that I had heard of such a thing be- 
ing moved in the House of the Councillors of Pennsyl- 
vania, but that I never heard of the conclusion, nor had 
I ever received an order to acquaint our brethren, the 
Indians, so, and that I wcmdered that they did not men- 
tion anything in Philadelphia, Avhere they had been so 
many days; but let that be as it will (said I), the Coun- 



CONRAD WEISER. 199 

cillors of Pennsylvania will meet in a few days, and 
your brother, the Governor of Pennsylvania, will cer- 
tainly lay it before them, and I hope they will consider 
you, as they have always done, as their brethren ; and as 
I have now brought you a wagon-load of flour, you will 
hardly want before I return from Philadelphia. 

Being informed that twelve of the young men, a few 
days before I came up, being gone to war to Ohio, in 
order to scalp some Frenchmen or bring some prisoners 
alive, I asked them who ga\ the first motion to that 
undertaking. The belt made short answer and said 
Scarroyady's wife moved her brethren Moses and Esras 
to it, and they the rest ; she would have the death of 
General Braddock revenged on the French. I inquired 
as strictly as I could, whether or not any white people 
had any hand in it, but could not find they had. The 
belt perceived that I was not pleased with the under- 
taking. He told me, brother, I must let you know 
what passed among the Six Nations. They have sent a \jt^^ 
large belt of wampum to the Indians at Adeeky^ ou the q\ 
Ohiu, to let them know that they must now sharpen 
their arrows and prepare with all speed to engage in the 
war with the Six United Nations against the French ; 
that they, the Six Nations, were resolved to drive the 
French away from their lands on the Ohio, which that 
great General that came from over the sea, with the assist- 
ance of Assaragora, could not do because of their pride 
and obstinacy, and for that reason the Most High pun- 
ished them ; that they, the Indians, ought to consider 
that in former days they fought the French with sticks 
and such stuff as growed in the woods, and often beat 
them ; that now they had iron arms, and their brethren, 



200 THE LIFE OF 

the Euglish, would assist them with everything neces- 
sary, and that if they could drive away the French from 
the Ohio again, the lands would be entirely their's again, 
and neither of the two Nations (English or FrencJi) 
could have any pretence to it. This the belt confirmed 
as a truth, and said that these news moved the twelve 
warriors above, said to be u[) early and make a begin- 
ning. 

Tohashwughtonionty (the belt) is a man of very good 
understanding, lias a good countenance, speaks well, and 
is reckoned amongst the greatest warriors among the Six 
Nations. I esteem him much. 

The belt told me as a piece of news lately come from 
the French Fort Duquesne, that the (Jhesagechroanu fell 
out with the French after the late battle, supposed to be 
occasioned by dividing of the spoil, and that they, the 
Chesagechroanus, threw the French hatchet before the 
French Commander's feet, and told him in anger that 
they had suffered themselves to be prevailed upon to 
take up the French hatchet against their brethren, the 
English, but that from henceforth they would never 
make use of it anymore and that they were soi'ry for it, 
and would resent it at the ])r()per time, and that the 
French Commander should not reconcile them ; that 
they went away in anger and killed and scal])ed two 
Frenchmen on an island within sight of the Fort. 

That all the Indians were now gone from Fort Du- 
quesne ; that the Commander of that Fort was killed in 
the late action. 

That the French at the said Fort were five hundred 
men strong, and that the Chesagechroanus had carried 
off the prisoners they took in the late action^ consisting 
of thirty persons, men and women. 



CONRAD WEFSER. 201 

That the said Nation had five hundred men engaged 
in the late action, and that the French were aiuch afraid 
of them. I do not rightly know where they live ; it is 
somewhere about the lakes. I have nothing more to 
add, but am, honored sir, 

Your very obedient, 

CONRAD WEISER. 
Heidelberg, Berks Co., Sept. 12, 1755. 
To the Hon. Robert Hunter Morris, Esq., 

Governor of Pennsylvania. 
P. S. Though I must wait on your Honor in per- 
son in a few days, 1 wrote this letter to send by the 
first opportunity. 



NO. XXXVI. 

Conrad Weiser to Gov. Morris, 1755. 

Honored Sir : 

By this I inform your Honor that my sons have re- 
turned from Shamokin, where they have been by your 
Honor's order to acquaint our friendly Indians of the 
success of General Johnson against the French on Lake 
George. Sammy was poorly when your Honor's orders 
arrived, therefore did not care to venture alone, so took 
one of his brothers with him. The Indians were ex- 
ceedingly pleased with the news, and returned thanks to 
your Honor for giving them such early notice. 

On the 1st instant Tohashwughtonionty (the belt), 
with Sigarea, James Logan and Jonathan, arrived at my 
house and made the following speech : 

^'Brother Onas (the belt speaker) : We let you know 
that upon certain news we received a few days ago from 



202 THE LIFE OF 

Oneida, one of the Six United Nations, we have agreed 
among ourselves to settle at Shamokin, and to summon 
and exort all our Indian brethren to come and settle 
there and live and die with us. 

^' We, therefore, desire you to supply us with pro- 
visions, powder, lead, tobacco and vermilion, and as it 
is most certain by the last message we received a few 
days ago from Oneida, that war is proclaimed between 
the Six United Nations and the French and their Al- 
lies, those of the Six Nations that have French hearts 
may go to their wicked father Onontio (we hope a very 
few will.) The Six United Nations with their Allies 
will certainly chastise Onontio for his wickedness. We 
pray brother Onas and the people of Pennsylvania not 
to leave us in the lurch, but to supply us with necessa- 
ries to enable us to fight the French. This is the ear- 
nest request of us, the warriors, the Councillors, and 
our wives and children." 

Here he gave a large string of wampum. 

As to the provisions, I explained to them the re- 
solve of the House of General Assembly, at which re- 
solve they were glad and returned thanks. 

As to the ammunition, I told them I would send 
their speech to Onas (the Governor of Pennsylvania), 
for him to consider it with the wise men of Pennsylva- 
nia, who would soon meet. As soon as they resolved 
upon anything, they, our brethren, the Indians at Sha- 
mokin, should know. They desired me to recommend 
their case in the best manner I could, and I })romised to 
do it. The Indians will go away to-morrow. I have 
nothing to add, but am, honored sir, your very obedient, 

CONRAD WEISER. 

Heidelberg, Berks Co., Oct. 4, 1755. 



CONRAD V\ EISER. 203 

NO. XXXVII. 

Conrad Weiser to Gov. Morris, 1755. 

Honored Sir : 

I take this opportunity to inform you that I re- 
ceived news from Shamokin that six families have been 
murdered on John Penn's creek, on the west side of the 
Susquehanna, about four miles from that river. Several 
people have been found scalped and twenty-eight are 
missing. The people are in a great consternation and 
are coming down, leaving their plantations and corn be- 
hind them. Two of my sons are gone up to help one of 
their cousins with his family down. I hear of none 

that will defend themselves but Geo. Gabriel and . 

The people down here seem to be senseless, and say the 
Indians will never come this side of the Susquehanna 
river ; but I fear they will, since they meet with op- 
position nowhere. I don't doubt your Hoaor heard of 
this melancholy affair before now, by way of Lancaster, 
perhaps more particular, yet I thought it my duty to in- 
form you of it ; and when my sons come back, I will 
write again, if they bring anything particular. I have 
heard nothing of the Indians that are gone out to fight 
the French on the Ohio. Their going, I fear, has been 
the occasion of this murder. I have nothing to add, but 
am, honored sir, 

Your very humble servant, 

CONRAD WEISER. 

Reading, October 22, 1755. 



204 THE LIFE OF 

NO. XXXVIII. 

Conrad Weiser to Gov. Morris, 1755. 

Heidelberg, Berks Co., Oct. 26, 1755, 
At 5 o'clock in the evening. 
Sir : 

Just now two of my sons, Frederick and Peter, ar- 
rived from Sharaokin, where they have been to help 
down their cousin with his family. I gave them orders 
before they went, to bring me down a trusty Indian or 
two to inform me of the present circumstances of Indian 
affairs, but they brought none down. They saw Jona- 
than, but he could not leave his family in these dan- 
gerous times. Whilst they were at George Gabriel's, a 
messenger came from Shamokin, sent by James Logan, 
one of Shekallamy's sons, and Capachpiton, a noted 
Delaware, always true to the English, to let George Ga- 
briel know that they had certain intelligence that a great 
body of French and Indians had been seen on their 
march towards Pennsylvania, at a place where Zinagh- 
ton river or rivers comes out of the Allegheny Hills, 
and if the white people will come up to Shamokin and 
assist, they will stand the French and fight them. They 
said that now they want to see their brethren's faces, and 
well armed with smooth guns — no rifled guns, which 
require too mucii cleaning. They in particular desired 
the Company of men gathered at George Gabriel's, Cap- 
tain McKee's and John Harris', they being informed 
that people had gathered there, and that they are ex- 
tremely concerned for the white people's running away, 
and said they could not stand the French alone. This 
message was delivered to George Gabriel and about ten 



CONHAt) WEISER. 205 

whites more, among whom were my two sons, by a Dela- 
ware Indian named Enoch, and a white man called I^aw- 
rence Bork, who came with the Indians as a companion. 
The Indians' messenger that brought the news to Sha- 
mokin from the Indians living up the river Zinachton 
(the north-west branch of the Susquehanna), arrived at 
Shamokin at midnight before the 23d instant. Theln- 
dians'tire extremely concerned, as my son tells me. Peo- 
ple are coming away in great hurry, the rest that stay 
plundering the houses and making the best of other peo- 
ple's misfortune. The French want to see Jonatlian 
taken prisoner, etc. All this in great hurry. I pray, 
good sir, don't slight it. The lives of many thousands 
are in the utmost danger. It is no false alarm. I am, 
honored and dear sir. 

Your very obedient, 

CONRAD WEISER. 
P. S. If a body of men would go up, they could 
gather plenty of Indian corn, beef and other provisions. 
Now everything is in the utmost confusion. I suppose 
in a few days not one family will be seen on the other 
side of the Kittatinny Hills. 



NO. XXXIX. 

Conrad Weiser to James Read, 1755. 

Heidelberg, Oct. 26, 1755, 11 P. M. 
Mr. James Read : 

Loving friend : This evening, about an hour ago, I 
received the news of the enemy having crossed the Sus- 
quehanna and killed a great many people, from Thomas 
McKee down to Hunter's mill. Mr. Elders, the min- 



206 THE LIFE OF 

ister of Paxton, wrote this to another Presbyterian min- 
ister in the neighborhood of Adam Read, Esq. The 
people were then in meeting, and immediately desired 
to get themselves in readiness to oppose the enemy, and 
to lend assistance to their neighbors. Mr. Read sent 
down to Tulpeliocken, and two men, one that came from 
Mr. Read, are just now gone, that brought in the melan- 
choly news. I have sent out to alarm the townships in 
this neighborhood, and to meet me early in the morning 
at Peter Spicker's, to consult together what to do, and 
to make preparations to stand the enemy, with the as- 
sistance of the Most High. I write you this that you 
may have time to consult with Mr. Seely and other well- 
wishers of the people, in order to defend your lives and 
others. For God's sake, let us stand together and do 
what we can, and trust to the hand of Providence. Per- 
haps we must, in this neighborhood, come to Reading, 
but I will send armed men to Susquehanna, or as far as 
they can go, for intelligence. Pray let Sammy have a 
copy of this, or this draft for his Honor, the Governor. 
I have sent him about three hours ago expressly to Phil- 
adelphia, and he lodges at my son Peter's. Dispatch 
him as early as you can. I pray, beware of confusion. 
Be calm, you and Mr. Seely, and act the part as fathers 
of the people. I know you are both able, but excuse 
me for giving this caution. Time requires it. I am, 
dear sir. 

Your very good friend and humble servant, 
CONRAD WEISER. 
To James Read, Esq., at Reading. 



CONRAD WEISER. 207 

NO. XL. 

Conrad Weiser to Gov. Morris, 1755. 

May it Please the Governor : 

Since the date of my last letter, which I sent ex- 
pressly by Sammy Weiser, dated last Sunday evening, 
at 5 o'clock, about 11 the same night I sent a letter 
to Mr. Read in this town, who forwarded it to your 
Honor by the same opportunity. The following ac- 
count of what has happened since, I thought was proper 
to lay before your Honor, to wit : After I had received 
the news that Paxton people, above Hunter's Mill, had 
been murdered, I immediately sent my servants to alarm 
the neighborhood. The people came to my house by 
break of day. I informed them of the melancholy news 
and how I came by it, etc. They unanimously agreed 
to stand by one another and march to meet the enemy, 
if I would go with them. I told them, not only my- 
self, but my sons and servants should go. They put 
themselves under my direction. I gave orders to them 
to go home and fetch their arms, whether guns, swords, 
pitchforks, axes, or whatsoever might be of use against 
the enemy, and for three days' provisions in their knap- 
sacks, and meet me at Benjamin Spicker's, at 3 o'clock 
that afternoon, about six miles above my house in Tul- 
pehocken township, where I had sent word for Tulpe- 
hocken people also to meet. I immediately mounted 
my horse and went up to Benjamin Spicker's, where I 
found about one hundred people, who had met before I 
came there ; and after I had informed them of the in- 
telligence I had, and promised to go with them as a 
common soldier, and to be commanded by such officers 



208 THE LIFE OF 

and leading men, whatever they might call them, as they 
should choose, they unanimously agreed to join the Hei- 
delberg people, and accordingly they went home to fetch 
their arms and provisions for three days, and came again 
at 3 o'clock. All this was punctually performed, and 
about two hundred men were at Benjamin Si)icker's by 
2 o'clock. I made the necessary disposition, and tlie 
people were divided into Com})anies of thirty men each. 
They chose their officers, that is, a Captain over each 
Company and three inferiors under him, each to take 
care of ten men and lead them on, or fire, as the Cap- 
tain should direct. I sent privately for Mr. Kurtz, the 
Lutheran minister, living about a mile oif, who came 
and gave an exhortation to the men, and made a prayer 
suitable to the time. Then we marched towards the 
Susquehanna, having first sent about fifty men to Tol- 
keo, in order to possess themselves of the gaps or nar- 
rows of the Swatara, where we expected the enemy 
would come through, with a letter to Mr. Parsons, who 
happened to he at his plantation. We marched about 
ten miles that evening. My Company was now in- 
creased to upwards of three hundred men, and mostly 
well armed, though about twenty men had nothing but 
axes and pitchforks. All unanimously agreed to die to- 
gether, and engage the enemy wherever they should 
meet them — never to inquirtj. the number, but fight 
them, and so obstruct their marching further into the 
inhabited parts, till others of our brethren should come 
up and do the same, and so save the lives of our wives 
and children. This night the powder and lead came up 
that I sent for early in the morning, from Reading, and 
I ordered it in care of the officers, to divide it among 



CONRAD WEISER. 209 

those that wanted it most. On the 28th, by break of 
day, we marched, our Company increasing all along. 
We arrived at Adam Read's, Esq., in Hanover town- 
ship, Lancaster county, about 10 o'clock. There we 
stopped and rested till all came up. Mr. Read had just 
then received intelligence from the Susquehanna by ex- 
press, which was as follows: That Justice Forster, 
Capt. McKee, John Harris and others, forty-nine in 
number, went up to Shamokin to bury the dead bodies 
of those that had been killed by the enemy on John 
Penn's Creek ; and coming up to George Gabriel's, 
about five miles this side of Shamokin and on the west 
side of the Susquehanna, they heard that the dead bodies 
had been buried already^ and so they went along to Sha- 
mokin, where they arrived last Friday evening and were 
seemingly well received, but found a great number of 
strange Indians, though Delawares, all painted black, 
which gave suspicion, and Thomas McKee told his com- 
panions that he did not like them, and the next morn- 
ing, that is, last Saturday, they got up early, in order to 
go back, but they did not see any of the strangers ; they 
were gone before them. Andrew Montour was there, 
painted as the rest. He advised our people not to go 
the same road they came, but^ to keep this side of the 
Susquehanna and go the old road ; but when they came 
to the parting of the roads, a majority was for going the 
nighest and best road, and so crossed the Susquehanna, 
contrary to Andrew Montour's counsel, in order to go 
down on the west side of that river as far as Mahanoy. 
When they came to John Penn's Creek, in going down 
the bank, they were fired upon from this side by Indi- 
ans that had waylaid them. Some dropped down dead ; 
14 



210 THE LIFE OF 

the rest fled and made towards the Susquehanna and 
came to this side, and so home as well as they could. 
Twenty-six of them were missing and not heard of as 
yet, last Monday evening. Upon this we had a consul- 
tation, and as we did not come up to serve as guards to 
the Paxton people, but to fight the enemy if they were 
come as far as we first heard, we thought best to return 
and take care of our own townships. After I had given 
the necessary caution to the people to hold themselves 
in readiness, as the enemy was certainly in the country, 
to keep their arms in good order, and so on, I discharged 
them, and so we marched back, with the approbation of 
Mr. Read. By the way we were alarmed with a report 
that above five hundred Indians had come over the 
mountain, at Tolkeo, to this side, and had already killed 
a number of people. We stopped and sent a few men 
to discover the enemy, but on their return it proved to 
be a false alarm, occasioned by that Company I had sent 
that way the day before, whose guns getting wet, they 
fired them oif, which was the case of my Company. On 
their returning, they fired off their guns, not considering 
'the ill consequence, and the whole township through 
which we marched, were very much alarmed. In going 
back, I met several messengers from other townships 
about the Conestoga, who came for intelligence and to 
ask me where their assistance was necessary, promising 
that they would come to the place where I should di- 
rect. I met also at Tulpehocken above one hundred 
men, well armed as to fire-arms, ready to follow me, so 
that there were in the whole about five hundred men in 
arms that day, all marching up towards the Susque- 
hanna. I and Mr. Adam Read counted those that were 



CONRAD WEISER. 211 

with me. We found them to be three hundred and 
twenty. 

I cannot send any further account, being uncom- 
monly fatigued. I should not forget, however, to in- 
form your Honor that Mr. Read has engaged to keep 
proper persons riding between his house and the Sus- 
quehanna, and if anything materially shall occur, he 
will send me tidings to Heidelberg, or here, which I 
shall take care to dispatch to you. I find that great 
care has been taken at Reading to get people together, 
and nearly two hundred were here yesterday morning ; 
but upon hearing that the people attending me were dis- 
charged, the people from the country went oiF without 
consulting what should be done for the future, through 
the indiscretion of a person who was with them and 
wanted to go home, and near the town they met a large 
Company coming up and gave such accounts as occa- 
sioned their turning back. I think most of the inhab- 
itants would do their duty, but without some military 
regulations we shall never be able to defend the Prov- 
ince. I am sure we are in great danger, and by an 
enemy that can travel as Indians do, we may be sur- 
prised when it would be impossible to collect any num- 
ber of men together to defend themselves, and then the 
country would be laid waste. I am quite tired and can- 
not say more than that 

I am your Honor's most obedient servant, 

CONRAD WEISER. 

Reading, October 30, 1755. 



212 THE LIFE OF 

NO. XLI. 

Conrad Weiser to William Allen, 1755. 

Reading, October 30, 1755. 
Kind Sir : 

I have but just time to acknowledge the receipt of 
your favors of the 27th, having arrived last night in this 
town. As you will have the perusal of the letter I wrote 
to the Governor, I need not repeat matters over, but 
only informing that I think all our Indians are gone off 
with the French, or rather joined them, because they 
could not stand their ground against the French and 
their Indians ; and what is worse, I am afraid the French 
are about fortifying themselves this side of the Allegheny 
Hills, if not on the Susquehanna about Shamokin, where 
they will find and have found plenty of provisions, 
as the country is deserted by its inhabitants, leaving 
their corn and cattle behind them. The reason of my 
fear is, because Mr. Adam Read told me that a young 
man lately arrived on the Susquehanna from Ohio, who 
said for positive that about 1,500 French and Indians 
crossed the Allegheny Hills at the head of Rinacson 
river, and that actually a part of them had been at Sha- 
mokin, which last proves to be true, as you will see in 
the Governor's letters that the young man I mentioned 
was taken prisoner by the French last summer in the 
unhappy action, and some Delaware Indians got his 
liberty from the French, j)romising two scalps from 
Pennsylvania, and they, the Indians, set him at liberty, 
or he made his escape as far as Adam Read's. He also 
gave out that the enemy told the Delawares that if they 
would assist, they would repossess them of their native 



CONRAD WEISER. 213 

country and bring the people under their command. 
The common cry of the people here is for arms and am- 
munition, and regulations from the Governor and As- 
sembly. I believe the people in general up here would 
fight. I had two or three long beards in my Company 
— one a Mennonite, who declared he would live and die 
with his neighbors. He had a good gun with him. I 
must conclude and subscribe myself, honored sir, 

Yours, &c., 
CONEAD WEISER. 



NO. XLII. 

Conrad Weiser to Gov. Morris, 1755. 

Heidelberg, Nov. 2, 1755 — at night. 
Honored Sir : 

I am going out early next morning with a Company 
of men, how many I cannot tell as yet, to bring away 
the few and distressed families on the north side <:>f the 
Kittatinny Hills yet alive (if there are yet alive such.) 
They cry aloud for assistance, and I shall give as my 
opinion to-morrow in public meeting of Heidelberg 
and Tulpehocken townships, that the few that are alive 
and remaining there (the greater part have come away) 
shall be forewarned to come to the south side of the 
hills, and we will convey them to this side. If I don't 
go over the hills myself, I will see the men so far as the 
hills and give such advice as I am able to do. There 
can be no force used. We are continually alarmed, and 
last night I received the account of Andrew Montour. 
fly> ' Bell, Scarrioady and others wanting me to come up with 
mv men to John Harris' Ferry, and to consult with 



214 THE JAFK OF 

them, I sent an account for my not coining with my son 
Sammy, who set oW by break of day this morning, with 
an invitation to the Indians to come down to my house 
for consultation. The same message I had ventured to 
send by George Gabriel, I send by Sammy, a copy of 
which No., the very same I sent by George, is here en- 
closed. .When I received the letter from Harris' Ferry, 
signed by several, among whom was Mr. J. Gal breath 
and Mr. James Ellison, being late in the night, 1 dis- 
patched a messenger after George, and he came back this 
morning. Here enclosed, as said before, is his errand. 
I hope to see my son back again to-morrow night with 
intelligence. That is one reason why I cannot go over 
the hills. My son Peter came up this evening from 
Reading, at the head of about fifteen men, in order to 
accompany me over the hills. I shall let him go with 
the rest. Had we but good regulations, with God's 
help Ave could stand at our places of abode, but if the 
people fail (which I am afraid they will, because some 
, others will not, some mock, some plead religion, and 
great number are cowards), I shall think of my and 
my family's preservation and quit my place, if I can get 
none to stand by me to defend my own house. But I 
hope you will excuse this hurry. I have no clerk now, 
and had no rest these several days, nor nights hardly. 
I am, honored sir, 

Your obedient, 

CONRAD WEISER. 



go 
a 



CONRAD WEISER. 215 

NO. XLIII. 

Conrad Weiser to Gov. Morris, 1755. 

Germantown, Nov. 7, 1755 — 6 P. M. 
Honored Sir : 

I arrived here just now with Andrew Montour, Scar- 
roiady and drunken Zigera. They would go to Phila- 
delphia, to know what we would do for them or not, 
and all that I could tell of them, was to no purpose. I 
think they are very good friends with the rest of the 
Indians on the Susquehanna. The question is, whether 
we are their's. They say they will have in plain terms 
how things shall be. Since my last, three persons have 
been buried — killed by the enemy. Witnesses, two of 
my sons and the Coroner of Berks county are gone up, 
and will make report to your Honor (I believe) accord- 
ingly. The rest I must defer till I have the satisfaction 
to wait upon your Honor, who am George Kast's, hon- 
ored sir. 

Your most obedient, 

CONRAD WEISER. 



NO. XLIY. 

Conrad Weiser to Gov. Morris, 1755. 

Honored Sir : 

On my return from Philadelphia I met in Amity 
township, Berks county, the first news of our cruel 
enemy having invaded the country this side of the Blue 
Mountains, to wit : Bethel and Tulpehocken. I left 
the papers as they were in the messenger's hands, and 
hastened to Reading, where the alarm and confusion was 



216 THE LIFE OF 

very great. I was obliged to stay that night and part 
of the next day, to wit, the 17th instant, and set out for 
Heidelberg, where I arrived that evening. Soon after, 
my sons Philip and Frederick arrived from the j)arsuit 
of the Indians, and gave me the following relation : 
That on last Saturday, about four o'clock in the after- 
noon, as some men from Tul})ehocken were going to 
Dietrich Six's place, under the hills, on the Shamokin 
road, to be on the watch appointed there, they were 
fired upon by the Indians, but none hurt nor killed 
(our people were but six in number, the rest being be- 
hind), upon which our people ran towards the watch- 
house, which was about one-half of a mile off, and the 
Indians pursued them, and killed and scalped several of 
them. A bold, stout Indian came up to one Christo- 
pher Ury, who turned about and shot the Indian right 
through his breast. The Indian dropped down dead, but 
was dragged out of the way by his own companions (he 
was found'next day and scalped by our people.) The 
Indians divided themselves into two parties. Some 
came this way, to meet the rest that ^vere going to the 
watch, and killed some of them, so that six of our men 
were killed that day, and a few wounded. The night 
following, the enemy attacked the house of Thomas 
Brown, on the Swatara Creek. They came to the house 
in the dark night, and one of them put his fire-arm 
through the window and shot a shoemaker (that was at 
work) dead on the spot. The people being extremely 
surprised at this sudden attack, defended themselves by 
firing out of the windows at the Indians. The fire 
alarmed a neighbor, who came with two or three more 
men. They fired by the way and made a greiit noise. 



CONRAD WEISER. 217 

scared the Indians away from Bower's house, after they 
had set fire to it, but by Thomas Bower's diligence and 
conduct, it was timely put out again. So Thomas Bower, 
with his family, went off that night to his neighbor, 
Daniel Schneider, Avho came to his assistance. By eight 
o'clock parties came up from Tulpehocken and Heidel- 
berg. The first party saw four Indians running off*. 
They had some prisoners, whom they scalped immedi- 
ately ; three children lay scalped yet alive, one died 
since, the other tw^o are likely to do well. Another 
party found a woman just expired, with a male child on 
her side, both killed and scalped. The woman lay upon 
her face. My son Frederick turned her about, to see 
who she might have been, and to his and his compan- 
ion's surprise they found a babe about fourteen days 
old under her, wrapped up in a little cushion, his nose 
quite flat, which was set right by Frederick, and life 
was yet in it, and it recovered again. Our people came 
up with two parties of Indians that day, but they hardly 
got sight of them. The Indians ran off immediately. 
Either our people did not care to fight them, if they 
could avoid it, or (which is more likely) the Indians 
were alarmed first by the loud noise of our people's com- 
ing, because no order was observed. Upon the whole, 
there are about fifteen of our people killed, including 
men, women and children, and the enemy not beat, but 
scared olF. Several houses and barns are burned. I 
have no true account how many. AYe are in a dismal 
situation. Some of these murders have been committed 
in Tulpehocken township. The people left their planta- 
tions to within six or seven miles from my house. I 
am now busy putting things in order, to defend my 
house against another attack. 



218 THE LIFE OF 

Guns and ammunition are very much wanted here. 
My .sons have been obliged to part with most of that 
which was sent u]), for the use of the Indians. I pray 
your Honor will be pleased, if it lies in your power, to 
send us up a quantity upon any condition. I must 
stand my ground, or my neighbors will all go away and 
leave their habitations to be destroyed by the enemy or 
our own people. This is enough of such melancholy 
account for this time. I beg leave to conclude, who am, 
sir, Your very obedient, 

CONRAD WEISER. 

Heidelberg, Berks Co., Nov. 19, 1755. 

P. 8. I am creditably informed just now that one 
Wolif, a single man, killed an Indian the same time 
Avhen Ury killed the other, but the body is not found 
yet. The poor young man sinc^e died of his wound 
through his belly. 

To Governor Morris. 



NO. XLV. 

Conrad AVeiser to Gov. Morris, 1755. 

May it Please the Governor : 

That night after my arrival from Philadelphia, 
Emanuel Carpenter and Simon Adam Kuhn, Esqs., 
came to my house and lodged with me. They ac- 
quainted me that a meeting was appointed (of the people 
of Tulpehockcn, Heidelberg and adjacent places) in Tul- 
pehocken township, at Benjamin Spicker's, early next 
morning. I made all the haste with the Indians I 
could, and gave them a letter to Thomas McKee, to fur- 
nish them with necessaries for their journey. Scarujade 



CONRAD WEISER. 219 

had no creature to ride on. I gave him one. Before I 
could get done with the Indians, three or four men came 
from Benjamin Spickcr's to warn the Indians not to go 
that way, for the people were so enraged against all the 
Indians, and would kill them without distinction. I 
went with them, as also the gentlemen before named. 
When we came near Benjamin Spicker's, I saw about 
four or five hundred men, and there was a loud noise. 
I rode before, and in riding along the road (and armed 
men on both sides of the road) I heard some say, why 
must we be killed by the Indians and we not kill them ? 
Why are our hands so tied ? I got the Indians to the 
house with much ado, where I treated them with a 
small dram, and so parted in love and friendship. Cap- 
tain Dieffenback undertook to conduct them (with five 
other men) to the Susquehanna. After this, a sort of a 
counsel of war was held by the officers present, the gen- 
tlemen before named and other freeholders. It was 
agreed that 150 men should be raised immediately, to 
serve as outscouts, and as guards at certain places under 
the Kittatinny Hills for 40 days. That those so raised 
to have two shillings per day, and two pounds of bread, 
two pounds of beef and a gill of rum, and powder and 
lead. (Arms they must find themselves.) This scheme 
was signed by a good many freeholders and read to the 
people. They cried out that so much for an Indian 
scalp they would have (be they friends or enemies) from 
the Governor. I told them I had no such power from 
the Governor nor Assembly. They began, some to 
curse the Governor ; some the Assembly ; called me a 
traitor to the country, who held with the Indians, and 
must have known this murder beforehand. I sat in the 



220 THE LIFE OF 

house at a low window. Some of my friends came to 
pull me away from it, telling me that some of the people 
threatened to shoot me. I offered to go out to the people 
and either pacify them or make the King's proclama- 
tion. But those in the house with me would not let me 
go out. The cry was : The land was betrayed and sold. 
The common people from Lancaster county were the 
worst. The wages, they said, were a trifle, and said 
somebody pocketed the rest, and they would resent it. 
Somebody had put it into their heads that I had it in 
my power to give as much as I pleased. I was in dan- 
ger of being shot to death. In the meantime a great 
smoke arose under the Tulpehocken Mountain, with the 
news following that the Indians had committed murder 
on Mill Creek (a false alarm) and set fire to a barn. 
Most of the people ran, and those that had horses rode 
off without any order or regulation. I then took my 
horse and went home, where I intend to stay and defend 
my own house as long as I can. There is no doings 
with the people without a law or regulation by the 
Governor and Assembly. The people of Tulpehocken 
all fled ; till about six or seven miles from me some few 
remain. Another such attack will lay all the country 
waste on the west side of the Schuylkill. I am, sir. 
Your most obedient, 

CONRAD WEISER. 
Heidelberg, Berks Co., Nov. 19, 1755. 



CONRAD WELSER. 221 

NO. XLVI. 

Conrad Weiser to Gov. Morris, 1755. 

Honored Sir : 

We, the subscribers hereof, being met together to 
think on means how to withstand our cruel Indian 
enemy, thought fit to acquaint your Honor of the mis- 
erable condition the back inhabitants of these parts 
are in : 

1) Since the last cruel murder committed by the 
enemy, most of the people of Tulpehocken have left 
their habitation. Those in Heidelberg move their ef- 
fects. Bethel township is entirely deserted. 

2) There is no order among the people. One cries 
one thing, and another another thing. They want to 
force us to make a law that they should have a reward 
for every Indian which they kill. They demanded 
such a law of us, with their guns cocked, pointing them 
towards us. 

3) The people are so incensed, not only against our 
cruel enemy, the Indians, but also (we beg leave to 
inform your Honor) against the Governor and Assem- 
bly, that we are afraid they will go down in a body to 
Philadelphia and commit the vilest outrages. They say 
they would rather be hanged than to be butchered by 
the Indians, as some of their neighbors have been lately, 
and the poverty that some are in, is very great. 

4) Yesterday we sent out about seventy men to the 
mountains, to take possession of several houses, and to 
range the woods along the mountain in Berks county, 
on the west side of the Schuylkill. The same number 
are sent to the back parts of Lancaster county. We 



222 THE LIFE OF 

promised them two shillings per day, two pounds of 
bread, two pounds of beef, and a gill of rum a day, and 
ammunition, and that for forty days, or till we shall re- 
ceive your Honor's order. We persuaded ourselves, 
your Honor will not leave us in the lurch. We must 
have done such a thing, or else leave our habitation. If 
no worse, and all this would not do, we and others of 
the freeholders have been obliged to promise them a re- 
ward of four pistols for every enemy Indian man they 
should kill. Many things more we could mention, but 
we don't care to trouble your Honor any further, do 
therefore conclude, and beg leave to subscribe ourselves, 
honored sir, 

Your very humble servants, 

CONRAD WEISER, 
EMANUEL CARPENTER, 
ADAM SIMON RUHM. 
P. S. I cannot forbear to acquaint your Honor of a 
certain circumstance of the late unhappy affair. One 

Kobel, with his wife and eight children, the eldest 

about fourteen years and the youngest fourteen days old, 
was flying before the enemy, he carrying one, and his 
wife and a boy another of the children, when they were 
fired upon by two Indians very nigh, but hit only the 
man on his breast, though not dangerously. They, the 
Indians, then came with their tomahawks, knocked the 
woman down, but not dead. They intended to kill the 
man, but his gun (though out of order, so that he could 
not fire) kept them off. The woman rec^overed so far, 
and seated herself upon a stump, with her babe in her 
arms, and gave it suck ; and the Indians driving the 
children together, and spoke to them in High Dutch, 



CONRAD WEISER. 223 

"jBe still — we wonH hurt youj^ Then they struck a 
hatchet into the woman^s head, and she fell upon her 
face with her babe under her, and the Indian trod on 
her neck and tore off the scalp. The children then ran. 
Four of them were scalped, among whom was a girl of 
eleven years of age, who related the whole story. Of 
the scalped, two are alive and likely to do well. The 
rest of the children ran into the bushes, and the Indians 
after them, but our people coming near to them, and 
hallooed and made noise. The Indians ran, and the 
rest of the children were saved. They ran within a 
yard by a woman that lay behind an old log, with two 
children. There were about seven or eight of the enemy. 
I am, honored sir, Your obedient, 

CONRAD WEISER. 
I intend to send a wagon down to Philadelphia for 
blankets and other necessaries for the people on their 
guard under the mountain, and I hope it will be then 
in your Honor's power to supply us. 



NO. XLVII. 

Conrad Weiser to Gov. Morris, 1755. 

Honored Sir : 

Nothwithstanding my hurry in leaving Philadelphia, 
I got no further than here, being obliged to stop on the 
way, especially in this county, to consult with some of 
the Magistrates and others about the present alarm of 
broadheads, etc., being cut off according to a warrant to 
the Constables of Northampton county by Justice Hors- 
field. The people of this town and county are in very 
great consternation. Most of them in this town are but 



224 THE LIFE OP 

day laborers ; owing money ; are about to leave. They 
have nothing at all wherewith to support their families. 
All trade is stopped, and they can get no employment, 
and except the Government takes about thirty or forty 
of them into pay, to guard this town, they must go off 
and the rest will think themselves unsafe to stay, and 
the back inhabitants will have no place of security left 
for their wives and children when they are out, either 
against their enemy, or taking care of their plantations 
and cattle, and when things should come to extremity. 
I have signed a recommendation for a Captain's com- 
mission to John Lesher in Oley. One Conrad Care for 
Lieutenant and Eberhard Martin for Ensign should 
have been included. John Lesher had a Captain's com- 
mission from your Honor before the act was made. I 
gave it to him according to your Honor's direction. I 
would be so free as to recommend Jonas Seely, Esq., as 
a fit person to serve the Province as an officer in Com- 
panies that will be employed as outscouts. He is a man 
of conduct and courage. The same I can say of Mr. 
Christian Bussey, the doctor of this town. He is a 
hearty and very worthy person, has neither wife nor 
child, and will do all what he can to recommend him- 
self to the Government. This country is in a dismal 
condition. Believe me, kind sir, that it can't hold out 
long. Consternation, poverty, confusion parties are ev- 
erywhere. If no haste is made for our relief, I cannot 
stay, but must move with my family to any place of bet- 
ter security than this. I can add nothing agreeable. 
Must therefore conclude, who am, honored sir. 
Your very obedient, 

CONRAD WEI8P:R. 
Reading, December 13, 1755. 



CONRAD WEISER. 225 

NO. XLVIII. 

Conrad Weiser to Gov. Morris, 1755. 

Honored Sir : 

Last night I arrived from John Harris' Ferry, and 
herewith inform you that I did not reach my home in 
Heidelberg^ Berks county, till the 1 4th instant. I set 
out on the 16th from Harris' Ferry, where I found no 
Indians, but the old belt and another Seneca, commonly 
called Broken Thigh, a lame man. 

Their young men, about six or seven in number, be- 
ing sent out by John Harris to fetch scalps from Ohio, 
but stopped at Aucquick by Mr. Croghan, I sent for 
Thomas McKee, John Carson and Samuel Hunter to 
John Harris', to consult with them how to send your 
Honor's message to the Indians on the west branch of 
the Susquehanna. They recommended one Hugh Craw- 
ford to me, on whom I prevailed to go to Aucquick 
with the message, and from there send Indians to the 
west branch of the Susquehanna with it, and if the In- 
dians thought it advisable, to go with them and conduct 
them down the river, either himself or James Pattison 
(who is to go along with him to Aucquick.) I had the 
two old Indians in council with me. They received the 
message from me, and Hugh Crawford received the 
wampum I gave, and necessaries for them and the writ- 
ten invitation from me, in presence of the above named 
gentlemen. I hope he will go through with it. 

Upon my first arrival at John Harris', I gave a 
string of wampum to the two old Indians above men- 
tioned, requesting them to look upon me as a public 
messenger from their brother Onas, and desired them, in 
15 



226 THE LIFE OF 

his behalf, to let me know all that they knew about this 
war, and who it was that murdered Onas^ people, and 
for what reason ? 

Next morning they made answer to the following 
purport: Brother, we are glad to see you here once 
more in these troublesome times. We look upon you 
as our brother Ona's messenger, as we always did. The 
author of the murder of the people of PennlJ^lvania is 
Onontio. He employs his children for that purpose, 
and they came to this river (Susquehanna) to murder. 
We are sorry to tell you that they have prevailed upon 
our cousins, the Delawares, living about half way from 
Shamokin to Schantowano (Wayomock), in a town called 
Nescopeckon. Those Indians have given their town (in 
defiance of us, their uncles) to Onontio's children as a 
place of their rendezvous, and had untertaken to join 
and guide them on the way to the English. That there- 
upon the Shekallamys and others of the Six Nations fled 
towards the Six Nation country. That a report was 
spread among the Delawares on that river, that the 
Pennsylvanians were coming with thousands, to destroy 
the Indians on the Susquehanna, which had occasioned 
the Six Nation Indians before named to fly, because 
they would not fight against their brethren nor the In- 
dians, and that everything was in a great confusion. I 
am, honored sir. 

Your most obedient, 

CONRAD WEISER. 

Heidelberg, Berks county, Dec. 22, 1755. 

P. S. Your Honor will have heard by this time 
that Paxton people took an enemy Indian on the other 
side of the narrows, above Samuel Hunter^ and brought 



CONRAD WEISER. 227 

him down to Carson's house, where they examined him. 
The Indian begged his life and promised to tell all 
what he knew to-morrow morning, but (shocking to me) 
they shot him in the midst of them, scalped him and 
threw his body into the river. The old belt told me 
that as a child of Onontio he deserved to be killed, but 
that he would have been glad if they had delivered him 
up to the Governor, in order to be examined stricter 
and better. I am, honored sir. 

Your most obedient, 

CONRAD WEISER. 

December 22, 1755. 

To Governor Morris. 

NO. XLIX. 

Conrad Weiser to Gov. Morris, 1756. 

May it Please the Governor : 

I was required, by some of the gentlemen of the 
Commissioners, to wait on your Honor, about this time, 
in order to assist in settling the presents for Scarroiady 
and other Indians now in town, and as you are engaged 
in company, I thought it convenient to put my thoughts 
about that aifair in writing, which are as follows : 

To Scarroiady a suit of clothes, and 40 or 50 dol- 
lars in money to Andrew Montour ; as the Governor and 
the gentlemen, the Commissioners, please, he is to have 
more than Scarroiady, and he can talk with your Honor 
and the Commissioners himself. 

Jonathan was not hired by the Government, but 
went up with the two former, at their request, and suf- 
fered or underwent the same danger. He should have 
a suit of clothes. 



228 THE LIFE OF 

The rest should all be clothed, and a few dollars in 
their pockets. If any stay with us, they should fare as 
well as those that go away. 
^UfJU^ Silver Hill should be bribed to stay. 

The women should each have a strout matchcoat, a 
shirt, a pair of Indian stockings, a few dressed deer 
skins for shoes — perhaps undressed will do for those 
that stay. The above is my simple opinion, which I 
submit to your Honor, who am, 

Your very obedient, 

CONRAD WEISER. 
April 17, 1756— about 5 P. M. 



NO. L. 

Conrad Weiser to Gov. Morris, 1756. 

Honored Sir : 

Immediately after my return from Philadelphia, I 
sent orders to Captains Busse, Morgan and Smith, to 
meet me at Fort Henry, on the 9th instant, to consult 
together over certain measures, how to oppose the enemy 
of killing the people in reaping and gathering in their 
harvest. The evening before, on the 8th instant, Mr. 
Young arrived with your Honor's orders to me. I 
therefore set out next morning, about 5 o'clock, for Fort 
Henry, in company with Mr. Young, as far as Benja- 
min Spicker's. I arrived at Fort Henry by 10 o'clock. 
Captain Busse met me with an escort of eight men on 
horseback, about six miles on this side of Fort Henry. 
About 12 o'clock Captains Morgan and Smith arrived. 
I immediately made your Honor's orders known to 
them, and the following disposition was made : That 



CONRAD WELSER. 229 

eight men of Captain Smith's Company shall assist the 
people in the whole (the place where twice murder was 
committed) to gather in their harvest, and stay over 
night in the Moravian house ; eight of his men to range 
westward of his Fort, under the Hill, and if occasion 
require, to be stationed in two parties, to guard the 
reapers ; sixteen men are to be in and about the Fort, 
to help and protect the neighbors, but constantly ten of 
the sixteen to stay in the Fort ; nine men are to stay 
constantly in Manity Fort, and six men to range east- 
ward from Manity towards the Swatara, and six men to 
range w^estward towards the Susquehanna. Each party 
so far, that they may reach their Fort again before 
night. Captain Busse's Company stationed as follows : 
Ten men at Bernhard Tridel's, next to the Moravians ; 
eight men at Casper Snebely's, and six men at Daniel 
Shuey's or Peter Klopp's. All these are westward of 
Fort Henry. Eastwards, Captain Busse is to post four 
men at Jacob Stein's, three men at Ulrich Spies', six 
men at widow Kendall's, and the rest, consisting of 
nineteen men, to remain in the Fort. Captain Mor- 
gan's Company, as follows : Six men to range from the 
little Fort on North Kill, westward to the Emerick's, and 
stay there if the people unite to work together in their 
harvest ; six men to range eastward, on the same foot- 
ing ; eight men to stay in that Fort ; fifteen men are to 
stay in Fort Lebanon ; eight men to protect the people 
over the hill, in harvest time ; ten men to range con- 
stantly eastward or westward, and if the people return 
to their plantations thereabouts, to protect those first 
that join together to do their work. 

All the aforesaid men are posted as much in a range 
as was possible, and would suit the settlement best. 



230 THE LIFE OF 

Your Honor ^^ill observe that there are not men 
enough left in the Fort^ to change or relieve the men 
on duty, but scarcely sufficient to keep the Forts, and 
send provisions to the several posts. 

I did propose to the Captains to make a draft of 
about twenty-five men out of the three Companies, and 
send them over the hills to a certain place on Kind 
Creek, to lie in ambush there for the enemy, for about 
ten days ; but the large frontier which they have to 
guard with their men, would not admit of it at this time, 
so I was therefore obliged to give over that point. 

A great number of the back inhabitants came to 
the Fort that day and cried out for guards. Their 
situation is indeed desperate. About forty men from 
Tulpehocken have been out for their protection, but they 
soon got tired, and arose disputes and quarrels in order 
to get home again. 

I hear that the people over the Susquehanna will 
have protection, cost what it will. If they cannot ob- 
tain it from the English, they will send to the French 
for it. I believe (by what I did hear) that some on this 
side of the river are of the same opinion, at least there is 
such a mumbling among the back inhabitants. 

I must mention to your Honor that when the people 
about the Swatara and the Hole heard of Captain Smith 
being accused for neglect of duty, they wrote a letter to 
me in his favor, which I send by Sammy Weiser, who 
CJan translate it if your Honor orders him to do it. J 
also send a letter from Captain Busse, which contains 
the particulars of the last murder. I received it by the 
way coming from Philadelphia, and stopped the express 
(as it was only to me), in order to save charges. 



CONRAD WEISER. 231 

As I had no clerk for some time, I wrote a general 
letter yesterday to all the Commanding officers eastward 
from Fort Henry to Easton, with a copy of your Hon- 
or's orders enclosed. I could not send every one a copy, 
but ordered them to take it themselves and send it for- 
ward immediately. 

Just this moment my son Sammy arrived from Fort 
Henry, and tells me that there had been an engagement 
at Caghnekacheeky, wherein twelve on our side were 
killed, and six Indians ; that our people kept the field 
and scalped the Indians, and that the Indians ran off 
without any scalp. As bad news as it is, I wish it may 
be true. 

I have at present no more to trouble your Honor 
with, but remain, sir, 

Your very obedient and humble servant, 

CONRAD WEISER. 

Heidelberg, Berks Co., July 11, 1756. 

P. S. I should have told your Honor that I keep 
a Sergeant, with nine private men of my Company, at 
Fort Henry, under Captain Busse^ with the priviso 
that they shall stay in the Fort and defend it when the 
Captain's men are on their several posts or ranging. The 
Captain must ketp a ranging party all along. To-mor- 
row another Sergeant marches from Reading with nine 
men, to relieve those of my Company that have been 
out now two weeks. I am, sir, &c., 

CONRAD WEISER. 

To Governor Morris. 



2.32 THE LIFE OF 

NO. LT. 

C. Weiser and Wat. Parsons to Gov. Denny, 1756. 



Sir: Easton, Nov. 6, 1756. 

By the enclosed copy you will perceive that we were 
informed of the occasion of this mighty panic, and have 
taken such measures as our best understanding could 
advise upon the occasion. It did not, however, affed 
us so much as to induce us to give his Honor any trouble 
about it, till his arrival here, and if we could have 
thought there was any great weight in the report, we 
should not have been so much wanting in our duty as 
not to have informed his Honor by express. The In- 
dians here are somewhat uneasy that they cannot see 
their brother, the Governor, yet, and we have quieted 
them to this time by telling them he would certainly 
(^ome to-day, and what we shall say to them next, we 
don't know yet. We are afraid, lest this delay should oc- 
casion the Indians to suspect some designs of the English 
against them, and so from mutual suspicion of each 
other, something worse may follow. At present the In- 
dians seem quiet and secure, and if they could get licpior 
enough, all of them would get drunk. We are, both of 
us, in so bad health that we dare not venture to ride in 
the night, apprehending more danger from the night air 
than from the Indians. We })ray his Honor will be 
pleased to pursue his journey to Easton, along the old 
road. Mr. Weiser, with as many of the officers and 
townsmen as can get horses, intend to do themselves the 
honor to meet him. You will please to make our best 
compliments to his Honor from, sir, your obedient and 
humble servants, CONRAD WEISER, 

WM. PARSONS. 



CONRAD WELSER. 233 

NO. LIT. 

Conrad Weiser to R. Peters, 1756. 

December 31, 1756. 
Sir: 

I cannot own that I borrowed the horse of Bigs, but 
I think I was present when Mr. Richard Peters did, 
and that John Pompshare had the horse from Philadel- 
phia to Easton, and from thence to Fort Allen, where 
he got Deedious Kon to speak to me to let him have the 
horse. I told him that the horse was none of mine; I 
could not give him to anybody. " What is a horse f 
says Deedious, "to the Governor of Pennsylvania. Let 
me have him, and tell my brother, the Governor, that 
you gave him to me." I told Deedious Kon that I 
would write in favor of Pompshare, in order to get the 
horse from the Governor ; but Deedious had the impu- 
dence to ask a bill of sale of me for the horse, which I 
put off from hour to hour, till 1 was just going, and I 
was in no way inclined to give him any writing, but he, 
Deedious Kon, called witnesses that I had promised 
Pompshare the horse if found again (the horse being 
then lost), and so I parted with them. If you or any 
of the gentlemen Commissioners had been there, you 
could not have refused to give the horse to Deedious 
Kon. He was so much concerned for Pompshare, 
whom he called his faithful servant, that he would have 
bought the horse for him if I ^yould have taken goods 
in consideration for it. This is all that I can say of this 
affair. 

The Indian woman Maryred, that came down with 
Xew Castle, wants to be sent back to the Mohawk conn- 



234 THE LIFE OF 

try. I believe with Jigerea she is a bold beggar. I 
cannot give her anything more, having from time to 
time given her and Jigerea some small matter. She 
came down so low that she now begs a pair of worsted 
stockings, for which I recommend her to you, who am, 
sir, yours, 

CONRAD WEISER. 

I am to get my money this day, by 10 o'clock, of 
Mr. C. Norris. 

Philadelphia, Dec. 31, 1756. 

NO. LIII. 

Conrad Weiser to R. Peters, 1757. 

Easton, July 15, 1757. 
Sir: 

I received your favors of the 15th, per express. Part 
of it I have answered in my letter to the Governor this 
day as to rooms and bedding. I have been out to look 
and send others out, and find that good beds and clean 
rooms are either scarce or taken up. Mr. Parsons, you 
know, has mov^ed into his new house, and there are sev- 
eral clever rooms in that house that are designed for the 
Governor. I bespoke the two rooms in Mr. Parson's 
old house, where you and the Governor lodged last year. 
It will suit two of the gentlemen you named, very well, 
if not three. The rooms are clean ; the beds I call good. 
But, perhaps, those gentlemen will differ with me in 
opinion. Let them peradventure send beds in a wagon, 
though I think there is not nuuh occasion for it. Sev- 
eral tolerable good rooms may be had here, but bedding 
is wanted. I bespoke a room at Kichlein, and I would 



CONRAD WEI8ER. 235 

part with mine for the gentlemen, but a public house 
would, perhaps, not suit so well. But let the gentlemen 
that you named, come. I don't doubt at all they will 
be pleased. 

In the letter to the Governor I gave an account of 
the murder committed last Saturday, and of the guard I 
expect iu this town in a few days. 

The Indians seem to be in very good temper, and 
signified great satisfaction on my coming, and I have 
strong hopes that something effectually will be done, or 
may be done with them, if there won't be too many 
cooks, and if busy bodies would stay at home. I wish 
you health and happiness, hoping to see you all soon. I 
am, dear sir, 

Your very humble servant, 

CONRAD WEISER. 
To R. Peters, Esq., Sec. to the Government, 

in Philadelphia, per James An is, Jr. 



NO. LIV. 

Conrad Weiser to Gov. Denny, 1757. 

Easton, July 18, 1757. 
Honored Sir : 

I thought it necessary to inform your Honor that 
last night the guard intended to protect the ensuing 
Treaty arrived in this town from the several Forts be- 
tween the Susquehanna and the Delaware, consisting in 
the whole of 105 men, including officers, who are as fol- 
lows, viz : Captain Busse, Lieutenants Wetherholt and 
Hyndshaw, Ensigns Snyder and Biddle, the bearer 
hereof, and Ensign Kern. 



236 THE LIFE OF 

The Indians are altogether good humored, and Tee- 
dyuscung, considering how much he loves strong liquor, 
behaves very well, and I have not seen him quite drunk 
since I came to this town. I find that they are very 
desirous to come to a lasting peace with us. 

Yesterday, about sunset, we were alarmed by a 
woman who came running into town as if distracted, 
and reported that her husband and some of her children 
were killed by the Indians, and soon after some of her 
children came with the same report. I ordered ten men 
on horseback to go to the place with all possible speed 
(the place being two miles from this town), who returned 
and said that the alarm was false. They found the man 
alive and undisturbed, no Indians having been there. 
To relate the particulars here would be too tedious. In 
the meantime the Indians took the alarm and came to 
me greatly concerned. The cry of the common people, 
of which the town was full, was very great against the 
Indians, and the poor people did not know what to do 
or what to say, finding all the people so enraged and 
using such language. However, I had the good luck to 
pacify both the white people and the Indians. Teedy- 
uscung ordered his young men to get ready to pursue 
the murderers, and some of them actually came up to 
my lodgings with their arms to receive orders from me. 
I told them I expected. to have a messenger immediately 
from the officer I sent, and then I would give the proper 
orders. When they returned, I wrote a few iines to 
Teedyuscung, letting him know that the alarm was false, 
of which he and the rest of the Indians were very glad. 

The common people behave very ill, in asking the 
Indians unbecoming questions and using ill language. 



CONRAD WEISER. 237 

I have been obliged to put one of the Jersey people un- 
der arrest, and another into prison, but at the instance 
of Teedyuscung I discharged them again, with a caution 
to behave better for the future. The Indians long with 
impatience to see your Honor here and desired me to 
write to you with the strongest words I could think of 
to hasten your coming. I heartily agree with them and 
promise myself to have the satisfaction of seeing your 
Honor soon. I am, honored sir, 

Your obedient and most humble servant, 

CONRAD WEISER. 
To the Hon. William Denny, Esq., 

liieutenant-Governor and Commander-in-Chief 
of the Province of Penna., in Philadelphia. 



NO. LV. 

Conrad Weiser to Gov. Denny, 1757. 

Reading, October 1, 1757. 
Honored Sir : 

I arrived this morning at this place, and the enclosed 
letter was presented to me. As I am in a hurry to go 
home, I send it as it is. Captain Oswald, upon hearing 
the distress the people about North Kill were in, sent 
immediately two Lieutenants, with forty private men, to 
their assistance, which gained him the esteem and love 
of his town's people. I cannot describe the consterna- 
tion the people are in, in these parts. I humbly en- 
treat your Honor to pity our cause and give orders that 
the men belonging to the first Battalion of the Pennsyl- 
vania Regiment, now at Fort Augusta, may all return 
to their proper or former stations. When this present 



238 THE LIFE OP 

trouble is over, I will very gladly send a reinforcement 
again, either to Fort Augusta or wherever your Honor 
pleases. It is certain that the enemy is numerous on 
our frontiers, and the people are coming away very fast, 
so that the forts are left to themselves with the men in 
them, but no more neighbors about them. I hope your 
Honor will pity our cause. I am, honored sir, 

Your very obedient and most humble servant, 

CONRAD WEISER. 
To the Hon. William Denny, Esq., 

Governor of Pennsylvania, in Philadelphia. 



NO. LYI. 

Conrad Weiser to R. Peters, 1757. 

Heidelberg, Berks Co., Oct. 4, 1757. 
Sir: 

I did not think of the post till he entered my doors, 
else I would have written particularly to the Governor, 
though I have been very busy in writing to the Com- 
manding officers of the several Forts under my care. It 
has now come so far that murder is committed almost 
every day. There never was such a consternation among 
the people. They must now leave their houses again, 
with their barns full of grain. Five children have been 
carried oif last Friday. Some days before, a sick man 
was killed upon his bed. He begged of the enemy to 
shoot him through his heart, upon which the Indian an- 
swered, I will, and did so. A girl that had hid herself 
under a bedstead, in the next room, heard all this. Two 
more families were about that time destroyed. Enclosed 
is the journal of last month of mv ensign at North Kill. 



OONHAD WEISEH. ^39 

Captain Basse lies dangerously sick at John Harris'. I 
hear he is tired of everything. I have neither men nor 
a sufficient number of officers to defend the country. If 
his Honor would be pleased to send orders to recall all 
the men belonging to my Battalion from Fort Augusta, 
he would justly bring unto him the blessing of the Most 
High. I cannot say any more. I think myself un- 
happy. To fly with my family in this time of danger, I 
cannot do. I must stay, if they all go. I am now pre- 
paring to go to Fort Henry, where I shall meet some 
officers to consult with, what may be best to be done. 
I have ordered ten men, with the Governor's last or- 
ders, to Fort Augusta. I shall overtake them this eve- 
ning at Fort Henry and give them proper instructions. 
For God's sake, dear sir, beg of the Governor, press it 
upon him in ray behalf and in behalf of these distressed 
inhabitants, to order my men back from Fort Augusta. 
I will give my reason afterwards that I am in the right. 
I conclude with my humble respects to his Honor, and 
remain, kind sir. 

Your most humble servant, 

CONRAD WEISER. 
Excuse my hurry. 



NO. LVII. 

Conrad Weiser to Gov. Denny, 1757. 

Honored Sir : 

According to my last, I went up to John Harris' 
Ferry to visit Captain Busse, where I found him in a 
very poor condition, but he told me that he was much 
better than he had been the day before ; and after two 



240 THE LIFE OF 

hours' conversation, he went to Hunter's Fort, by wa- 
ter, though against my advice, as he had Lieutenant 
Philip Marsloff with him, and Ensign Kern by my or- 
der (not knowing that Marslolf* was there) was come up 
to wait on the Captain, &c. Kern had but half an hour 
to stay, when he was ordered by me to follow the Cap- 
tain by land, with an escort of four men of the Battalion 
under my command. Before he set off, he informed me 
that on the 12th instant a French deserter or spy came 
down the hill near Fort Henry and made towards Diet- 
rich Six's house, which the Centry of the Fort observ- 
ing, acquainted the Commanding officer of the Fort 
thereof, who sent an officer and two soldiers to seize and 
bring him into the Fort, which was accordingly done. 
I ordered, by express, my son Samuel, who commanded 
at the Fort on the Swatara, to march with a ranging 
party with all possible speed and care, and take the said 
prisoner and convey him safely down to my house in 
Heidelberg, where he arrived safely with the prisoner 
about noon yesterday. 1 examined the prisoner by 
such an Interpreter as I could get, but thought fit to 
bring him down hither, to have a more full examina- 
tion by the assistance of Captain Oswald and Mr. James 
Read, and accordingly came here with him last night. 
The paper enclosed and a fusee were found in his pos- 
session. The examination I left to Captain Oswald and 
Mr. Kead, who will transmit a fair copy to your Honor. 
As I have no men to spare in this dangerous time, and 
Captain Oswald has been so kind as to offer a party of 
the regulars under his command here to guard the pri- 
soner to Philadelphia, T have accepted of his offer, and 
accordingly put him into custody of the guard appointed 



CONRAD WRISRR. 241 

by the Captain, wliicli I hope will not be disagreeable to 
your Honor. I am, honored sir, 

Your most humble servant, 

CONRAD WEISER. 
Reading, Ot-tober 16, 1757. 
To the Hon. William Denny, Esq., 

Lieut. Gov. of the Province of Pennsylvania, 
and Territories, in Philadelphia. 



XO. I. V 1 I [. 
Conrad Wr<:r.sER to W. Petkrs, 1757. 



Dear Sir : 

The enclosed is directed to uobouv. I should, per- 
haps, have directed it to your brother^or William Smith, 
but T must leave it to you and them to judge for me as 
nay friends. I had not time to make my remarks on 
several other paragraphs, but there is too much to be 
said to them, and I don't choose to be too deeply con- 
cerned in a paper war ; besides, Mr. Richard Peters as 
Secretary has the records, and can answer for the con- 
duct of the Governor, especially that of Mr. Morris 
about his declaration of war against the Shawnese and 
Delawares by the advise of the Indian Chiefs then in 
Philadelphia. See what our messengers Soarroiady and 
Andrew Montour said on their return. Compare it to 
what Lancaster treaty says, and the said Chiefs advised 
a declaration of war against those villains. The meet- 
ings at Israel Pemberton's is a nice point, and cost 
money, but how to escape the resentment of those re- 
vengeful people Is another point. The post waits and 
I must conclude. What is wanted more from me, I 
16 



242 THE LIFE OF 

should be glad to have it in questions. I hear of noth- 
ing new here, of which I am glad. My health is as yet 
unsettled. I am, dear sir. 

Your most humble servant, 

CONRAD WEISER. 
Heidelberg, Berks Co., October 27, 1767. 
To Wm. Peters, Esq., in Philadelphia. 



NO. LIX. 

Conrad Weiser to Gov. Denny, 1757. 



A few weeks since, a copy of the address of the 
Friendly Association, signed by Abel James, dated Phil- 
adelphia, 14th of the seventh month, presented to the 
Governor, in Easton, came to my hands. I was not a 
little surprised to see my name made use of in a very 
unjust way, and cannot help taking notice of it, with my 
remarks on some paragraphs therein. First. The au- 
thor of that paper says, "Some of us having the oppor- 
tunity of a free conference with Conrad Weiser, who, as 
Provincial Interpreter, has long been concerned in pub- 
lic transactions with the Indians, we were, thereby, con- 
firmed in our apprehensions that some dissatisfaction re- 
specting their lands had tended to the alienating of their 
friendship from us, &c." 

I wish the author had set forth when and where that 
conference was, and who w^ere present. Perhaps I could 
then call to mind what passed further ; for what is said 
above is not the whole truth. My words, it seems, are 
brought in to countenance an unjust design ; that is to fa- 
ther a great part of the mischief done by the Indians on 
the proprietors of Pennsylvania. Whatever I did say, I 



CONRAD WEISER. 243 

never said that the proprietors of Pennsylvania had 
wronged the Indians out of any land ; which, if I had, 
would be notoriously false, for, though long concerned 
in public transactions with the Indians (as the author of 
the paper says), I never heard of a regular complaint 
made by an Indian council against the ])roprietors of 
Pennsylvania, being wronged out of land. It is true, 
some of the stragglers among them, when they wanted 
more rum, would frequently complain and say that they 
had been cheated ; which will be the case always, as long 
as there are any Indians, and as long as they can get 
rum. If the Delaware Indians have been wronged out 
of any land, they themselves know very well by whom 
they are so wronged. And it is known to others also, 
that had the Friendly Association asked a certain person 
about this affair, they might have been truly informed, 
and in their proceedings would have found the truth ; 
and it would have been in their power (as they have 
wealth and credit) to satisfy the complainants, and un- 
der the countenance of the Governor, as peace might 
have been made last year, and a great deal of bloodshed 
prevented ; and I dare say, a better peace than we now 
have, could then have been made. I say, if the Friendly 
Association had gone on, according to their first inno- 
cent project, of which some of them very early made me 
acquainted at the house of Thomas Lightfoot, in Phila- 
delphia. I promised them all the assistance I was ca- 
pable of, provided the Governor should be made ac- 
quainted therewith, and I have his leave. But things, 
on a sudden, took another turn. The Association was 
(as I think) imposed upon by some designing men of 
theirs. The proprietors of Pennsylvania must be first 



244 THE LIFE OF 

charged with wronging the Indians out of some of their 
lands. C. AV. must be brought in as a witness. We 
must arrange his words, so that those who do not 
know better, must understand them so. But I say, go 
afar off, satan ; notwithstanding thy flattery, I will 
never countenance falsehoods, much less promote lies. I 
will only trouble you at present with one more remark 
of mine on the paragraph, whei'e the author of the ad- 
dress says, that from that time it was generally known 
that one cause of the alienation of their friendship was 
some injustice they had received, or supposed to be done 
them in the purchase and running out of their lands. It 
will appear in a clear light to all impartial men by a 
little inquiry that these Indians, when they first came 
down to the Treaty at Kaston, came without complaints 
about land ; nor did the three messengers who were sent 
up to them into their own country, bring any such re- 
port to the Governor, but soon after the Treaty I read 
words in the German newspaper that Teedyuscung shall 
have said, which I never heard of before, and Teedyus- 
cung made use of in the following Treaty, and at that in 
November following. Some persons appeared so eager 
to bring the cause of the war, or a great part thereof, on 
the proprietors' back, that they forgot all reasonable dis- 
cretion. One in particular, when the Governor came 
out of the house one evening, near night, where the Con- 
ference was held, accompanied by the Chiefs of the In- 
dians, came and gave a certain Indian a wink, not ob- 
servinor me. The Indian followed him behind the 
house. Another that walked on my side took notice of 
it. ''See, there," says he, ''Mr. J. P. is still busy." 
The Indian came back to his rank again. "Well," said 



CONRAD WEJSER. 245 

P., ^^ what did our friend I. say to you ?" " Not much," 
said M. *'Xo, but let us know it." "Why/' said M.^ 
"I. told me that now was our time to speak boldly, and 
not to spare or fear anybody.'' At this Treaty the In- 
dians learned our weakness, by being informed of our 
divisions. Here prudence bids me to go no further. 
But I am surprised that at the Treaty in I^ancaster the 
two Chiefs, Abraham and Thomas, behaved so steady, 
considering how hnig they were there, and what tempta- 
tions of corruption they lay exposed to. 

When I have more leisure and more convenient time, 
I shall acquaint you whom the Delaware Indian charges 
with having wronged them. The present time will not 
admit to speak of without danger. If those concerned 
in the Government would take the thing in hand, and 
that privately, some good might still be done. I am, sir, 
Your most humble servant, 

CONRAD WEISER. 

Heidelberg, Berks Co., Oct. 27, 1757. 



NO. LX. 

Conrad Weiser to R. Peters, 1758. 

Reading, June 21, 1758. 
Sir: 

The second division of wagons from the county of 
Berks are now going oif for Philadelphia, in order to 
load stores of Mr. Joshua Howel's, for the use of the 
army, commanded by his Excellency, General Forbes. 
This division consists of 26 wagons. Four more are 
fitting out here, so that there will be. 56 good, strong 
wagons from this county in this service. Each wagon 



246 THE LIFE OF 

is completely furnished with four able horses and an ex- 
pert driver, according to the direction of the General or 
Colonel Bouquet ; all (but four) contracted voluntarily 
with me. I app])ointed over each division a deputy 
wagon master, to serve a$ such till it shall be otherwise 
ordered by the j)roper officer or officers. Both under- 
stand smith and wheelright work. Their names are 
John Eslier and Jacob Weaver, freeholders of Berks 
county ; have the English and the German tolerably 
well. I furnished them with money of my own, but 
have since received by order of Colonel Bouquet, through 
means of Mr. Adam Hoops, my own again, and what 
else was wanting. May the Most High prosper our 
labor with success, is the hearty wish of, dear sir, 
Your most obedient and humble servant, 

CONRAD WEISER. 

The township of Tulpehocken furnished 10 wagons, 
and paid bounty money to some. My son, Frederick, 
and one of his neighbors, furnished one between them- 
selves. 

To Richard Peters, Esq., 

Secretary to the Government, in Phila. 

NO. LXI. 

Conrad Weiser to R. Peters, 1758. 

Sir: 

If the Governor will not meet the Indians this eve- 
ning, only to shake hands with them, and signify his 
satisfaction to see them in town, and leave business till 
another day when they are recoverd from their fatigue, 
I will say that he does not act the part of a well wisher 



CONRAD WEISER. 247 

to his majesty's people and interest in these critical 
times. You may let him know so. Here is my hand 
to my saying so. I am, sir, a loyal subject, and a well 
wisher to my country. 

CONRAD WEISER. 
Philadelphia, July 6, 1758— half an hour after five. 



NO. LXII. 

Conrad Weiser to R. Peters, 1758. 

Reading, July 29, 1758—5 P. M. 
Sir: 

I can but acknowledge the receipt of yours by Mr. 
Benjamin Davis' express. I shall do all what lies in 
my power in the mentioned service. I intend to set 
out for Carlisle, if it pleases God, to-morrow afternoon, 
or towards the evening, to wait on General Forbes. I 
can say no more at present, but on my return, which, I 
hope, will be about the time of the Reading court, I will 
give you all the intelligence I can. I am, sir, 
Your very obedient, 

CONRAD WEISER. 
To Richard Peters, Esq., per Mr. Benj. Davis. 

NO. LXIII. 

Conrad Weiser to R. Peters, 1759. 

Reading, January 18, 1759. 
Sir : 

The bearer of this is John Heberling, a neighbor of 
John FoUmer, sent on purpose by Jacob, to settle with 
the land office for Follmer's lands. Hans George Mey- 



248 THE LIFE OF 

erly, the man to whom Follmcr sold a part of his land^ 
and says that he got a patent ior the whole, behaves very 
insolent towards FoUmer. 1 would recommend poor 
Follmer's cause again to your care. He sent his won 
along^with John Heberling, to show his sincere request. 
It is thought the old man will not overcome his present 
illness. 

Reading (I understand) must receive three Compa- 
nies of Highland soldiers. The tavern-keepers are un- 
der the greatest consternation, having received nothing 
as yet for last year's quartering of soldiers. Some are 
taking down their signs, having received great abuses 
last year. I, for my l)art, do not know how- to billet 
them, as the late Act of Assembly is expired, whether 
the Act of Parliament is sufficient. The tavern-keepers 
would rather victual them and find all what is wanted, 
if they could be sure of their pay, according to what is 
allowed by the Act of Parliament. A word of advice 
from yourself, or Mr. Peters, would be extremely agree- 
able to me at this time. I am, sir. 

Your very humble servant, 

CONRAD. WEISER. 

I am in a hurry. I have sent young Follmer home 
again to his father. Think Heberling sufficient. 

Mr. Richard Peters. 



NO. LXIV. 

Conrad Weiser to Capt. Trump, 1760. 

Capt. Truiup, under date of Fort Augusta, January 
28, 1760, wrote to Conrad Weiser, and received the fol- 
lowing re})ly : 



CONRAD WEISER. 249 

Sir; 

Yours of the 28th last \vdst came to hand last night, 
for which I thank you ; but as I am at present lame 
and obliged to keep my room, it is impossible for me to 
make the journey. Be pleased to acquaint John She- 
kallamy of this. I am very glad in the meantime to 
hear from him, and should be more so, if he would (if 
he is in health) come and visit me, with a couple of his 
friends or brothers. I should make them heartily wel- 
come, for which purpose I send him the enclosed string 
of wampum. He may safely come by way of Fort 
Henry. Your care will provide necessaries for him. 
With my hearty good wishes to you, and other gentle- 
men officers at Fort Augusta, 1 remain, sir, 

Your very humble servant, 

CONRAD WEISER. 



NO. LXV. 

Conrad Weiser to Gov. Hamilton, 1760. 

Reading, February 18, 1760. 
Honored Sir : 

It is about two weeks ago, when I received an ex- 
press from Fort Augusta, forwarded by Captain Trump, 
at the instance of John Shekallamy, now a noted man 
among the Indians on the waters of that river, with 
a string of wampum. A copy of Captain Trump's letter 
is here enclosed. I, immediately after the receipt 
thereof, sent a copy of the letter, and my answer to it, 
to the Secretary. Whether the letter was miscarried or 
the Secretary being from home, I don't know. I was 
desirous to have something of an answer to it, though as 



250 THE LIFE OF 

I then thought, John's invitation might not signify 
much, yet I am since informed by some soldiers coming 
from Fort Augusta, that the Indians about there are 
much displeased, and the invitation might be of some 
consequence. If your Honor orders it, Sammy Weiser 
shall go up to Fort Augusta for intelligence. My an- 
swer to John Shckallamy was, that I could not travel 
by this severe weather, and that I was lame, but gave 
him a kind invitation by a string of wampum, to come 
with his l)rotlier, or some other friend, to see me, and 
confer with me of things he had on his mind, and I 
would make them welcome. I have nothing to add, but 
am, honored sir. 

Your very obedient and most humble servant, 

CONRAD WEISER. 

To Governor Hamilton. 

I give my best compliments to your Honor, and if 
it is your commands that I shall go to Fort Augusta, 
according to the within letter of my father, I will, with 
pleasure, obey your Honor's commands, who am, your 
Honor's most obedient and very humble servant, 

SAM. WEISER. 
To the Hon. James Hamilton, Esq., 

Gov. of the Province of Pennsylvania, in Phila., 
per James Kemer, Esq. 



CONRAD WEISER. 251 



CONRAD WEISEFS JOURNALS. 



NO. I. 

Report of His Journey to Sh amok in. 

On the 30th of January, 1742, in the evening, I re- 
ceived the Governor's order, together with the deposi- 
tion of Thomas McKee, and set out next morning, in 
company with the said McKee, for Shamokin, over 
Backstone, where we arrived on the first day of Feb- 
ruary. That same day the said McKee's two men ar- 
rived with two canoes loaded with skins from Chiniotte. 
They informed us that they met ten warriors, who asked 
them for a little provision, which they (the Indian trad- 
ers) gave them — the Indians being \ ery civil to them, 
but told nothing of what had happened in Virginia. 
We were also informed by white people there, that four 
Shawnese Indians had been there as scouts, sent by the 
Shawnesc to get intelligence what the white people were 
doing. On the third day of February we overtook the 
said Shawnese about twenty-five miles this side of Sha- 
mokin, at an Indian trader's house. They ran into the 
house when they saw us coming, and sat down in the 
same corner of the house where their arms were. Every 
one of them had a cutlass besides their guns, and one of 
them, who was a brother of Cheekaqueton, had a pistol. 
The Indian trader's wife told us, while we alighted from 



262 THE LIFE OF 

our horses, that these 8hawnese hud ill designs and 
talked very unfriendly. I went into the house first and 
shook hands with them. Their hands trembled, and 
none of them hardly looked into my faee till I sat down 
and began to talk with them in the Mohawk language. 
They said they eould not understand me. By that time 
McKee and one John (who was pleased to accom- 
pany me to Shamokin from Backstone) came in. I de- 
sired them to tell the Shawnese that I was sent by the 
Governor of Pennsylvania with a message, both to the 
Indians at Shamokin and thereabout, as also to the Six 
Nations, about the unhappy accident that happened 
lately in Virginia. They seemed to be well pleased 
with that. They never saw me before, neither had I 
seen them before, but understood by my companions, 
who could both talk Shawnese, that the oldest of them 
_vou*^ ^^^ Missemediqueety, a Captain of war, and a very 
," . ' noted man among the Shawnese. The English call him 
'^ -the great huminy. Tiiey acxjompanied us to Shamokin, 
where we arrived that day after sunset. Shekallamy 
and Olumapies were very glad to see me. They in- 
formed us that there were several Indians at Shamokin 
from several places, waiting for me with news from the 
Governor of Pennsylvania. I told them that the next 
day they should hear the message from the Governor. 
On the 4th they met at Shekallamy 's house about twen- 
ty-five men. The noted persons besides Shekallamy 
were Saghsidowa, a Chief of the Tuscaroras (who was 
present at the last Treaty in Philadelphia), Olumapies 
and Lapapeton of the Delawares, the aforesaid Shawnese, 
with several more of the said Nation, and Andrew, the 
son of Madam Montour, who served for Interpreter to 



<'()NRA1) WP;iSER. 253 

the Delawares. And because Hhekallainy was mourning 
for his cousin killed hy the Virginians lately, 1 directed 
my speech first to him, according to the custom of the Six 
Nations, and in order to comfort him, in behalf of the 
Governor, I told him : 

"Brother Shekallamy, you have just cause to mourn 
for the loss of your cousin killed in Virginia lately. I, 
also, am sensible of the grievous accident, but as the 
public welfare calls for your aid at this time, I have 
been sent to comfort you and to wipe oti' the tears from 
your eyes, and, in short, to put your heart at ease, for 
which purpose I present you with these two strowds." 
Then I spoke to the whole company : 

"Brethren, according to the Treaty betwixt the Gov- 
ernor of Pennsylvania and the Six Nations, which has 
been renewed last summer, there is an established road 
from Philadelphia to the Six Nations, on which, at any 
time, Conrad Weiser and Shekallamy may travel and 
carry messages from one to the other. According to 
that establishment I have sent Conrad Weiser to ac- 
quaint you with what follows (hereupon I laid down a 
string of wampum) : 

"Brethren, I myself and the people of Pennsyl- 
vania are sensible of the unhappy accident that hap- 
pened in Virginia betwixt the white people and your 
warrioi^. We mourn for it, because not only the white 
people are our brethren, and belong to the same great 
King on the other side of the great Lake, to whom we 
belong, but we, also, are become one people with the Six 
Nations, of one body, one heart, and one mind. I, 
therefore, desire that immediately Shekallamy and one 
or two more may forthwith proceed to Onondago, to ac- 



264 THE LIFE OF 

quaint the Council of the Six Nations with the steps 
taken by me since I heard first of the unhappy accident. 
To press this upon you, this string of wampum is laid 
before you. 

"Brethren, I liave acquainted the old and wise men 
in Pennsylvania, who are now sitting and holding coun- 
cil, with what I heard by Thomas McKee, and in- 
formed them of every particular, as the ten warriors had 
told the story to the Indians living on or near the Great 
Island. I had also heard some uncertain stories before, 
but had received no letter as yet from the Governor of 
Virginia. The aforesaid old and wise men desired me 
to become mediator, and to use my endeavors to bring 
both the Governor of Virginia and the Six Nations to a 
better understanding than they have been hitherto. I, 
therefore, earnestly require of you, my brethren, the Six 
Nations, to have no recourse to arms, but rather accom- 
modate the matter with the Governor of Virginia in an 
amicable way. I have sent to the Governor of Virginia 
to acquaint him with what is agreed upon by me and 
my Council ; and as the Governor of Maryland sent for 
you last fall to come to Annapolis, in order to settle ev- 
erything about the land, and the Governor of Virginia 
joined with him to accommodate all old quarrels with 
you about the land, if possible ; I am very sure that this 
unhappy accident will be accommodated then also, since 
it was done only by people of ill conduct, and not by 
the Governor of Virginia's order. I must put you in 
mind of the Treaty of friendship subsisting between us, 
and by virtue of that, I earnestly press upon you, with 
this belt of wampum, to accommodate the matter amica- 
bly. (Here I laid down a large belt of wampum.) 



CONRAD WEISER. 255 

"Brethren, as the aforesaid unhappy accident gave 
some disturbance to the trade, and may give more if 
early measures are not taken to prevent it, I desire you 
to return the goods again which some of you, the Shaw- 
nese in particular, have taken from the traders. I de- 
sire you will immediately send to every place where the 
traders of Pennsylvania are in their favor. It would 
be violating the Treaty of friendship, if they should 
suffer by you ; and in case you do not like their stages 
amongst you, send them home regular and unmolested. 
(I laid down a string of wampum.) Dixi, I have no 
more to say." 

Olumapies, in behalf of the whole company, made 
answer and said : 

"Brother, the Governor of Pennsylvania: I long 
expected to see Conrad Weiser, your messenger, with 
your advice at this dangerous time, and I have now 
heard your speech to us and do like it very well, and 
give you thanks for your so doing. I do not doubt it 
will be taken well by the Coun cil of the Six Nations." 

The string of wampum concerning the trade was de- 
livered to the Shawnese. They took upon themselves 
to send immediately to the Great Island and Allegheny 
in favor of the traders. 

I had been informed before Council that Wapyma- 
gon, a Shawnese Indian from Woyamock, came to the 
Great Island and told the Shawnese there that, accord- 
ing to Caykawachykee's order, they must open the 
trader's store and divide the goods amongst themselves, 
which they did accordingly, and robbed Thomas Mc- 
Kee's store. Shekallamy, after he heard that, sent his 
son to the Great Island to get the goods returned, since 



256 THE LIFE OF 

Caykawaychykees, the Shawnese Chief, never gave 
such order, as Sliekallamy was creditably informed. 

I sent a stroiit match-coat to Cayhkawacliykee by 
the aforesaid four Shawnese, and let him know that I 
always remember what he said to me, when I first paid 
him a visit, at his own fire, at AV^oyaraock, and that I 
hoped he would always be of the same mind, as he lived 
about halfway from Philadelphia to the Six Nations, to 
take care of the chain of friendship betwixt the Six Na- 
tions and Pennsylvania, and never do nor suffer any of 
his people to do any injury to the said chain of friend- 
ship, and always observe the good Council of the Six 
Nations and the Governor of Pennsylvania. 

Next day Olumapies held a Council of Delawares. 
He sent for me and Shekallamy and Saghsidowa. He 
told us in Council that he had no wampum, and they 
were very dear, so that he could not do as he would have 
done, if he had been able. Yet he sends that string of 
wampum (which he then had in his hand) jointly with 
his brother, the Governor, to Onondago, to assist him 
like or as a token of his approbation. 

I had made Olumapies a present before of a strout 
match-coat from the Governor, and told him that as he 
had always been a good friend and observer of Treaties, 
the Governor sent this to him to cover his old body. 

Made Saghsidowa a present of a strout match-coat, 
to make him shoes to travel to Onondago with Shekal- 
lamy and his son. They were to set out on the 9th in- 
stant, and stay at Onondago till the Council was sum- 
moned, and attend it and not come away without a full 
answer, both to this affair and the message of the Gov- 
ernor of Maryland sent to them last fall. 



a)NRAD WEISER. 257 

The following is the narrative of one who calls She- 
kallamy hi« grand-father. He was j^resent in the en- 
gagement in Virginia, and was strictly examined by 
Shekallamy and exhorted to tell the truth. Shekallamy 
and Saghsidowa told me that I might assure their 
brother, the Governor, that it was the truth of the story, 
as follows : 

The young man told Shekallamy, his grand-father, 
that when they (22 Onondago Indians and 7 Oneidas) 
got over the Potomac river, nobody would give them a 
mouthful of victuals. They wanted to go to some Jus- 
tice, to have their pass renewed, but could find none. 
They traveled along in great want of victuals. There 
were no more deer to be killed, and they would have 
been starved to death if they had not killed a hog now 
and then, which they did at Jonontore. On the c>ther 
side of the said hills they laid down their bundles, and 
sent three of them to look for the road they must go. 
These three men were met by two white men, who asked 
them many questions, till a third person of the white 
came up ; then they, all at once, took hold of the Indi- 
ans' guns, but the Indians would not let them go out of 
their hands. One of the Indians took out his knife and 
threatened to stab the white men, upon which they left 
go the guns and went their way, and the Indians re- 
turned to their company and told what had happened to 
them. The Indian Captain, Onondagoo, told them that 
it was some foolish people, only not worth while to be 
taken notice of. They laid there that night. Next day 
they met with no interruption. But on the following 
day after this, one white man came up with them, soon 
after another with a hay fork, and so more and more 
17 



268 THE LIFE OF 

until by and by their number increased to about ten. 
They stopped every now and then, when one of the In- 
dians went on one side of the road and told the Indians 
to make haste and come along. Some while after they 
came to a big house, the In<]ians observed a great num- 
ber of people in the house ; they were invited to come 
in ; the main body staid out some distance from the 
house. Some of the oldest went in, but more and more 
white people gathering, the Indians outside called to their 
friends to come away. The white people would not per- 
mit them to go, but sent out a Captain with a sword on 
his side, to bring the others in, which they refused. In 
the meantime, those that were in the house thought prop- 
er to show theii* pass which they obtained in Pennsylva- 
nia, but the white men told them they must not go any 
further, upon which the Indians went out of the house. 
The man with the sword endeavored to stop them with 
force, and drew his sword. When the others saw the 
naked sword, they made a tield cry and took up their 
arms, in order to defend themselves, but were com- 
manded by their Captain to he quiet till they were hurt, 
and to let the white people begin violence. The Indi- 
ans did not mind the man with the naked sword, but 
went away, and took up their bundles and traveled all 
night. They went on one side of the road towards the 
hills, a good way, and lodged there two nights, consult- 
ing what to do, and some hunted for deer. They re- 
solved to proceed on their journey, and set out in the 
morning and traveled all day })eaceably ; and at night 
went again towards the hills for lodging. Early next 
morning a white man came to their tires and counted 
them all. They asked where he was going. He said, 



CONRAD WEISER. 259 

to hunt. They mistrusted him very much, wlien he 
went oil* towards the hills. After he got over a little 
ridge of a hill, he went the other way and ran as fast as 
he could, which one of the Indians, that went after him 
as a spy, saw. The Indians hasted away, and when 
they got into the road again, two boys that were in the 
rear heard a great talk, and noise of horses, and looked 
about and saw a great number of white men on horse- 
back, and they called to the foremost that the white 
men were coming, who ordered them to come up. Then 
the boys rah, and the white men fired at them, but 
missed them. The Captain of the Indians, seeing the 
boys received no hurt, and a white color flying, told the 
Indians to be cpiiet, for that a white color was always a 
token of peace with the white men. Whilst the Indians 
were laying down their bundles, and their Captain talked 
to them not to fire till the white men had hurt them, 
the white men alighted from their horses just by and 
fired the second time, and killed two on the spot, one of 
whom was Shekallamy's cousin. The Indians then 
made a field cry and were commanded by their Captain 
to fight for life, who, after he had fired off his gun, took 
to his hatchet and exhorted the stoutest to follow him, 
and they ran in amongst the white people and did exe- 
cute with their hatchets, which put the white men to 
flight immediately. But the Captain would not sufler 
them to pursue them ; told them that they did not come 
to fight white men, but the Cawtabaws ; upon which the 
Indians took up their dead and wounded and went off 
about two miles, where they gave physic to the wounded, 
one of whom died there, and there remained four more 
wounded, three of them not very dangerously, but the 



260 THE \AFE OF 

fourth very bad. They missed one out of their num- 
ber. A relative of his ran and looked for him. He 
was seen to pursue the white men further than the rest. 
He was found shot through one of his feet and was 
brought up to the rest and is likely to do well. He 
said that he saw two white men droj) down not far from 
him and rise up again, and drop down again, and soon; 
that he had shot several arrows into the white man^s 
back before he received that shot. Next morning the 
Captain sent some of the Indians to the place where they 
had been engaged. They found eight white men on the 
spot, whom they stripped, and several horses, with some 
provisions, grazing thereabouts. They sat down for the 
sake of the provisions, for which they stood in great 
want. The Indian Captain dispatched ten of his men 
to Onondago — himself, with the rest and wounded, w^nt 
up along the river into the mountains, to come home 
that way. The action happened near the river called 
by the Indians Galudoghson. These ten men met the 
two men of McKee's in the woods, asked them for a 
share of their provisions, which the men gave them, but 
they told nothing of what had happened. 

I left Shamokin on the 6th of February, and came 
the same way back again, where I arrived on the 9th, at 
night. 

CONRAD WEISER. 



CONRAD WEISER. 261 

NO. II. 

Report of His Second Journey to Shamokin. 

On the 9th of April, 1743, I arrived at Shamokin, 
by order of the Governor of Pennsylvania, to acquaint 
the neighboring Indians and those on the Wyoming that 
the Governor of Virginia was well pleased with his me- 
diation, and was willing to come to an agreement with 
the Six Nations about the land his people were settled 
upion, if it was that they contended for, and to make up 
the matter of the late unhappy skirmish in an amicable 
way. 

That same day Shekallamy, his son, and Saghsidowa, 
who had been sent to the Six Nations with an offer of 
the Governor's mediation to them, returned from Onon- 
dago, and the next day they, in open Council, delivered 
the following message directing their speech in behalf 
of the Six Nations to the Governor of Pennsylvania, ac- 
cording to what vvas agreed upon by the Council of the 
said Indians in Onondago : 

" Brother Onas, at this critical time we received a 
kind niessage from you, the result of the good friendship 
existing between you and us. For such purposes a road 
was cleared from our country to your's, on which, at any 
time, Conrad Weiser and Shekallamy may travel. We 
open our doors with cheerfulness to your messuigers, 
and are glad to hear from you.'' 

He laid dov^n two strings of wampum. 

" Brother Onas, we thank you for the concern you 
show for the misfortune that befell our warriors in Vir- 
ginia. We take it as a particular mark of friendship. 
We assure you that notwithstanding the unjust treat- 



262 THE LIFE OF 

ment our warriors met with in Virginia, we did not al- 
low our heads to be giddy nor to resent it as it deserved, 
which might have occasioned a violation of Treaties and 
the destruction of many/^ 

He laid down four strings of wampum. 

"Brother Onas, we thank you very kindly for the 
early steps you made in calling your old and wise men 
together to consult with them. It was a very prudent 
and good advice they gave you to become mediator be- 
twixt us, your brethren, and the Virginians, your neigh- 
bors. We thank them for such good advice, and we as- 
sure you we will accordingly come to an amicable accom- 
modation with the Governor of Virginia, if he will come 
to reasonable terms. And if a war should break out be- 
tween us and him, you will be convinced of his being 
the author of it. 

" For w^hen in former times we received a deadly 
blow, we never returned it, if it was ever so dangerous ; 
we always judged it to be given by disorderly people, 
and we always used peacable means to make it up; but 
when we received the second blow, we judged that war 
was intended against us, and then we arose and knocked 
down our enemies with one blow, and we are still able 
to do the same ; but now we leave our case to you. We 
have ordered our warriors with the strono:est words to 
sit down and not to revenge themselves. Therefore, 
brother Onas, go on with courage in your mediation. 
We assure you, we will not violate or do anything con- 
trary to your mediation. We desire you and the old and 
wise men of Pennsylvania not to believe anything to the 
contrary, let it come from whom it will, until you re- 
ceive messages from us ; we will do the same on our 
side. 



CONRAD WEISER. 263 

" In confirmation of what we say, we lay down this 
belt of wampum before you." 

Then the speech was directed to the Governor of 
Maryland. 

" Brother, the Governor of Maryland : 

" You have invited us to come to your town, and you 
offered to treat with us concerning the messages we sent 
to you by our brother, the Governor of Pennsylvania, 
and to establish good friendship with us. We are very 
glad you did so, and we thank you for your kind invi- 
tation. 

" Brother : 

" We have a great deal of business and things of 
moment under our deliberation, and it will take us the 
best of tlie day (this summer) before we can finish them. 
We, therefore, desire you will set your heart at ease, and 
think on nothing but what is good ; we will come and 
treat with you at Canataquamy to-morrow morning 
(next spring), since you live so near the sea and at such 
a great distance from us. We accept kindly of your in- 
vitation. Our brother, the Governor of Pennsylvania, 
recommended your message to us, which he would not 
have done, if he had not been satisfied your intention 
was good ; we, therefore, promise you by these strings 
of Wampum to come and treat with you at the afore- 
said place." 

The speaker laid down four strings of W ampum. 

Then the speaker directed his speech to the Gover- 
nor of Pennsylvania again and said : 

"Brother Onas: {Indian name for Gov. of Penna.) 

"The Dutchman on Scokoonaidy (Juniata) claims a 
right to the land merely because he gave a little victuals 



264 THE LIFE OF 

to our warriors, who stand very often in need of it. This 
string of Wampum serves (the speaker then took two 
strings of Wampum into his hands) to take the Dutch- 
man by the arm and throw him over the big mountains 
within your borders. We have given the river Scokoo- 
niady (Juniata) for a hunting place to our cousins, the 
Delawares, and our brethren, the Shawnese, and we our- 
selves hunt thcn-e sometimes. We, therefore, desire you 
will immediately by force remove all those that live on 
the said river of Scokooniady." 

Here lie laid\lown two strings of wampum. 

Then the speaker, in behalf of Cachaw^atsiky, the 
Shawnese Chief at Wyoming, and of Xochetouna, the 
Shawnese Chief at 'Ohio, related their answers to two 
messages that were 'sent with some strings of wampum 
by the Council held at Shamokin the first time Conrad 
Weiser was there. He began with Nochetouna^s an- 
swer directed to the Governor of Pennsylvania. 

"Brother, the Governor of Pennsylvania. 

"I live upon the river Ohio as harmless as a little 
child. I can do nothing. I am but weak, and I don't 
so much as intend mischief. I have nothing to say, and 
do, thcrelore, send these strings of wampum to Cacha- 
watsiky, the Chief man, again. He will answer your 
message, as he is the older and greater man." 

Then Saghsidowa took up the strings of wampum 
and spoke, in behalf of Cachawatsiky, as follows : 

"Brother, the Governor of Pennsylvania : 

" The place where I live and the neighboring coun- 
try have been overshadowed of late by a very dark cloud. 
I looked with a pitiful eye u})on the poor women and 
children, and then looked u})on the ground all along 



CONRAD weisf:r. 265 

for sorrow in a miserable condition, because of the poor 
women and children. In all that dark time a message 
from you found the way to Shamokin, and when it was 
delivered to us, the dark cloud was dispered and the sun 
immediately began to shine, and I could see at a great 
distance, and saw your good will and kind love to the 
Indians and the white people. I thank you, therefore, 
brother Onas, for your kind message. I am now able 
to comfort the poor women and children.^' 

Here the speaker laid down four strings «f wampum. 

Then the speaker took up two strings of wampum 
and directed his discourse to the Delaware Indians, the 
Shawnese, and to Onas : 

" Cousins, the Delawares : ^Ye are informed you can 
talk a little English, by which you pretend to have 
heard many things amongst white people, and you fre- 
quently bring lies amongst the Indians, and you have 
very little knowledge and regard for Treaties of friend- 
ship ; you give your tongue too much liberty. This 
string of wampum serves to tie your tongue and to fore- 
warn you from lies. 

"Brethren, the Shawnese: 

"You believe too many lies, and are too forward in 
action. You shall not pretend to revenge our people 
that have been killed in Virginia. We are the Chief of 
all the Indians. Let your ears and eyes be open towards 
us, and order your warriors to stay at home, as we did 
our's. 

" Brother Onas : 

"Your back inhabitants are people given to lies and 
raising false stories. Stop up their mouths. You can 
do it with one word. Let no false stories be told. It 
is dano;erous to the chain of friendship." 



26G THE LIFE OF 

The strings of wampum were delivered to the Dela- 
wares. 

After the speaker had finished, a handsome Indian 
dinner was given to all that were present, by Shekalla- 
my^s people. After dinner I delivered ray message to 
them, and presented the Company with two rolls of to- 
bacco, about three pounds each roll, to smoke whilst 
they were in company together, to talk about the good 
news they had heard that day, according to the custom 
of the Indians. 

Shekallamy told me, by way of discourse, that they 
(the Council of Onondago) had sent strings of wampum 
by him to all the Indians upon the river Susquehanna, 
to tell them to use their endeavors to stop all their war- 
riors, and not permit them to go to fight with the people 
of Virginia and to acquaint them of what was agreed 
upon in Onondago, which was accepted of in every 
town. 

I inquired what business of moment the Six Nations 
had under deliberation, that prevented their coming 
down to treat with the Governor of Maryland. She- 
kallamy asked whether I could not guess it. I told 
him, no. Then he said how should they come down with 
a hatchet struck in their heads. The Governor of Vir- 
ginia must wash off the blood first, and take the hatchet 
out of their heads and dress the wounds (according to 
custom, he that struck first must do it), and the Coun- 
cil of the Six Nations will speak to him and be recon- 
ciled to him, and bury that aftair in the ground that it 
never may be seen nor heard of anymore so long as the 
world stands. But if the Virginians would not come 
to do that, he (Shekallamy) believed there would be a 



CON HAD WEISKK. 267 

war. But 1 might assure the Goveruor of Pennsylva- 
nia, the warriors would then not come within the in- 
habited part of Pennsylvania, but direct their course di- 
rectly to Virginia, over the big island on the north-west 
branch of the Susquehanna. 

CONRAD WEISER. 



NO. III. 

Report of His Journey to Onondago. 

On the 21st of June, 1743, we arrived at Cachia- 
dachse, the first town of the Onondagos. About noon I 
heard that the messenger I had sent from Oswego had 
missed his way and did not arrive there. I, therefore, 
immediately sent a messenger from this place to the 
chief town, about five miles off, to acquaint the Chiefs 
of that Nation of my coming with a message from Onas 
in behalf of Assaryquoa. They dispatched messengers 
that day, to summon the Council of the Six Nations. 
My messenger came back and informed me that the 
house of Annwaraogon was appointed for our lodging. 
We set out and arrived at three o'clock in the afternoon. 
After we had eaten some dry eels boiled in hominy, and 
some mats had been spread for us to lay upon, Canassa- 
tego and Caheshcarowano, of the Chiefs, Avith several 
more, came to see us and received us very kindly. They 
asked how their brethren did in Philadelphia, and in 
particular the Governor, and whether Onas had arrived. 
I answered that their brethren in Philadelphia were all 
well, and in the same disposition of mind as they had 
left them in last year, and in particular the Governor, 
their brother, was so, who, according to the trust r&- 



268 THE I.IFE OF 

posed in him by Onas, when he left Philadelphia, was 
always engaged for the good of the public. We smoked 
a pipe of Philadelphia tobacco together, and had some 
further discourse on things of no consequence. On the 
22d, early in the morning, Tocanontie (otherwise called 
the black Prince of Onondago) came to see us with Cax- 
hay ion and expressed their satisfaction at my coming to 
Onondago, saying, '' you never come without good news 
from our brethren in Philadelphia," I smiled, and told 
him it was enough to kill a man to come such a long 
and bad road over hills, rocks, old trees, and rivers, and to 
fight through a cloud of vermin, and all kinds of poi- 
soned worms and creeping things, besides being loaded 
with a disagreeable message, upon which they laughed ; 
and Tocanontie told me that he was extremely glad last 
night to hear I was coming to Onondago. Canassatego 
and Caheshcarowano, with sevej-al more, came to see us 
again and spent the day with us. AV^c had for the sub- 
ject of our conversation the occurrences of our journey, 
and general news. On the 23d it was good weather. I, 
with Shekallamy, visited Canassatego — desired him to 
meet us in the bushes to have a private discourse, which 
he approved of. We met a little way distant from the 
town. I brought with me my instructions and the 
wampums I had, and told him that as he was our par- 
ticular friend and well acquainted, both with Indians' and 
white people's affairs and customs, I would tell him all 
my business, and beg his advice how to speak to every- 
thing when the Coun.cil should be met. He assured me 
of his good will and affection to the Governor of Penn- 
sylvania and all his people, and that he would do for 
me what lay in liis power. I then explained my in- 



coNKAD \veisp:r. 269 

structioiis to liiiu, and showed him the wainpum. He 
told us that what he had heard of nie was very good ; 
he must first go and acquaint Caheshcarowano witli it, 
and they would then both send for me and Shekallamy, 
and put us in the way. We broke up immediately, and 
Canassatego went directly to Caheshcarowano and we to 
our lodging. In the afternoon they sent for me and 
Shekallamy to the house of Caheshcarowano, and I was 
desired to bring my instructions and my wampums with 
me. I went along with the messenger to the house of 
the said Chief, where I found, to my surprise, all the 
Chiefs of Onondago met in Council. Tocanontie spoke 
to me after this manner: "Brother, the Chiefs of Onon- 
dago are all of one body and soul, and of one mind ; 
therefore Canassatego and Caheshcarowano have ac- 
quainted us with the whole of what passed betwixt you 
and Canassatego in the bushes. You have done very 
well and prudent to inform the Onondagos of your mes- 
sage before the rest of the Councilors meet, since it con- 
cerns chiefly the Onondagos, and it will altogether be 
left to us by the Council of the United Nations to an- 
swer your message ; be, therefore, not surprised in seeing 
us all met in Council unexpectedly, and explain the pa- 
per to us you have from our brother, the Governor of 
Pennsylvania," which I did accordingly, and acquainted 
them with the whole message. They seemed to be very 
well pleased, and promised they would put everything 
in such posture that when the Council of the United 
Nations arrives, I should have an answer soon, and such 
an one as they did not doubt would be satisfactory to 
the Governor of Pennsylvania and iVssaryquoa ; that 
they had always so much regard for Onas and his peo- 



270 THE LIFE OF 

pie that they, would do anything for them in their power, 
and they luoked upon the person that kept house for 
Onas (meaning the Governor) as if Onas was there him- 
self. I thanked them for their good will and left them 
for this time, knowing they had something to do amongst 
themselves. Tocanontie was speaker. On the 24th the 
Council of the Onondagos sat again. Jonnhaty, the 
Captain of the unhappy Company that hatl the skirmish 
last winter in Virginia, was sent for with two more of 
his companions. He was desired to tell the story from 
the beginning how everything happened, which he did. 
He seemed to be a very thoughtful and honest man, and 
took a deal of time in telling the story. After he had 
done, I told him I would write it down before I left 
Onondago, in his presence, to which he agreed, and de- 
sired that some of the Chiefs might be present when he 
was to rehearse it again. In the evening the Cayuga 
deputies arrived ; on the 25th visited Caheshctirawano, 
and Caxhayion same afternoon. Jonnhaty gave a feast, 
to which Assaryquoa, whom I represented, and Onas, 
whom Shekallamy represented, was invited with the 
Chiefs of the town, about eighteen in number. The 
feast consisted of a cask of rum, of about two gallons. 
Several songs were sung before the feast began, in which 
they thanked Assaryquoa for visiting them. They also 
thanked Onas (the Governor of Pennsylvania) for con- 
ducting Assaryquoa and showing him the way to Onon- 
dago. The sun was praised for having given light, and 
for dispelling the clouds. Then the cask was opened, 
and a cup of about three-fourths of a gill was filled for 
Canassatego, who drank to the health of Assaryquoa. 
Next to him drank Caheshcarowano to the health of the 



CONRAD WEISER. 271 

Governor of Pennsylvania, and after this manner we 
draui<: around. The next time the first cup was reached 
to me by Jonnhaty, who attended the feast. I wished 
lono" life to the wise Councilors of the United Nations, 
and drank my cup, so did Shekallamy and the rest. Af- 
ter that, the kettle was handed around with a wooden 
spoon in it. Every one took so much as he i)leased. 
Whilst we were drinking and smoking, news came that 
a deputation of the Nanticoke Indians arrived at Cachi- 
adachse from Maryland. The house of Canassatego 
was ordained for them, since the Town House was taken 
up by Onas and Assaryquoa. After all the rum was 
drank, the usual thanks were given from every Nation 
or Deputy with the usual sound of Jo-haa, and we 
parted. On the 26th : In the morning I went to see 
the Nanticokes. There were six in number. None of 
them could speak a word of the language of the United 
Nations. I found there, besides Canassatego, his 
brother, Zila Woolien, and others. They desired me to 
stand Interpreter for the Nanticokes (they heard us talk 
English together), to which I consented. No Deputies 
were yet arrived from any other Nation. I desired Ca- 
nassatego to send again to have at least the Oneidas 
there, as they were concerned in the late skirmish, which 
was done immediately. On the 27th : No business was 
done to-day. On the 28th : The Deputies from the 
Oneidas and Tuscaroras arrived. Aquoyiota, an old ac- 
quaintance of mine, came with them. He is a man of 
about 70 years of age, a native and Chief of the Onei- 
das. On the 29th : The Onondagas held another pri- 
vate Council, and sent for me and Shekallamy. Every- 
thing was discoursed over again, and we agreed that Ca- 



272 thp: life of 

nassatego should speak in behalf of the Government of 
Virghiia; and the wampums were divided into so many 
parts as there were articles to be spoken of ; and the 
goods were to be divided between the families in mourn- 
ing and the Public Council of the United Nations. A 
messenger was sent to hasten the Mohawks away from 
the Oneida Ijake, where it was supi)osed they tarried. 
They arrived, five in number. On the 30th: About 
noon the Council then met at our lodging and declared 
themselves complete, and a deal of ceremonies passed. 
First the Onondagas rehearsed the beginning of the 
Union of the Five Nations, praised their grand-fathers' 
wisdom in establishing the Union or Alliance, by which 
they became a formidable body. That they (now liv- 
ing) were but fools to their wise fathers, yet protected 
and accompanied by their fathers' spirit. And then the 
discourse was directed to the Deputies of the several Na- 
tions, and to the messengers from Onas and Assarycpioa, 
and then to the Nanticokes, to welcome them all to the 
Council fire, which was now kindled. A string of wam- 
pum was now given by Tocanontie, in behalf of the 
Onondagas, to wipe off the sweat from their (the Depu- 
ties' and Messengers') bodies, and God, who had pro- 
tected them all against the evil spirits in the woods, who 
were always doing mischief to people traveling to Onon- 
dago, was praised. All this was done by way of a song, 
the speaker walking up and down in the house. After 
this, the Deputies and messengers held a Conference by 
themselves, and appointed Aquoyiota to return thanks 
for their kind reception, with another string of wam- 
pum. Aquoyiota repeated all that was said, in a singing 
way, walking up and down in the house, added more in 



CONRAD WEISER. 273 

praise of their wise fathers and of the happy union, re- 
peated all the names of those ancient Chiefs that estab- 
lished it. "They, no doubt,'^ said he, "are now God's 
and dwell in heaven." Then proclamation was made 
that the Council was now opened, and Assaryquoa was 
to speak next morning in the same house, and due at- 
tendance should be given. All these Indian ceremonies 
took up that afternoon. Jo-haas from every Nation 
were given. On the 31st, about ten o'clock, the Council 
of the United Nations met, and Zilla Woollen gave me 
notice that they were now ready to hear Onas and As- 
saryquoa speak. I called Canassatego and desired him 
to speak for me in open Council, as I would tell him, 
article by article (according to what was agreed upon), 
which he proclaimed to the Council, and they approved 
of it, because they knew it required some ceremonies 
with which I was not acquainted. The speaker then 
began, and made the following narrative: '^ Brethroi^ 
th^ United Nations, you, Togarg Hogon, our brother, 
Nittaruntaquaa, our son, also Sonnawantowano and Tus- 
caroro, our younger sons, you, also, our absent brother 
Ounghcarrydawy dionen Horarrawe, know ye, that w'hat 
was transacted last winter at this fire by us and our 
brother Onas, in behalf of our brother, the Governor of 
Virginia, known to us by the name of Assaryquoa, was nV 
all carefully put down in writing and sent to Assary- 
quoa, our brother, by our brother Onas, upon the receipt 
whereof our brother Assaryquoa wrote again to our 
brother Onas and thanked him kindly for his mediation 
in healing the breach occasioned by the late unhappy 
skirmish, and requested the continuance of our brother 
Onas' good offices ; and that the Interpreter might be 
18 



274 THE LIFE OF 

sent to Sagogsaanagechtheyky with such instructions as 
Onas, our brother (who knowing the nature, customs, 
and the very heart of his brethren), shall think fit. This 
is all what I have to say about what is past. Now you 
will hear our brother Assaryquoa himself, who has been 
brought to our fire by our brother Onas." Then I took 
up a belt of wampum and told the speaker, Canassatego, 
a few words, and he proceeded and spoke in behalf of 
the Governor of Virginia as follows : 

1. "Brethren, the United Nations now met in Coun- 
cil at Sagogsaanagechtheyky. When I heard of the late 
unhappy skirmish that happened in my country between 
some of your warriors and my people, I was surprised. 
I could not account for it to myself, why such a thing 
should happen between brethren. This belt of wam- 
pum, therefore, I give to the families in mourning 
amongst you, my brethren, at Sagogsaanagechtheyky, to 
condole with them and moderate their grief." The belt 
was given, and the usual sound of approbation was re- 
turned by the whole house. 2. Then I handed another 
belt to the speaker and spoke to him. He spoke much 
the same as before, and desired that belt might be given 
to the fiimilies in mourning at Niharuntaquoa, or the 
Oneidas, for the same use. Thanks were given again by 
the whole Assembly. Then I handed a large belt to 
the speaker. 3. *^ Brethren of the United Nations, the 
sun kept back its beams from us, and a dark cloud over- 
shadowed us when the late unhappy skirmish happened 
between my people and your warriors. My people are 
charged with having begun hostilities. I will not dis- 
pute with you about it. It is most certain that an evil 
spirit, which governs in darkness, has been the promoter 



CX)NRAD WEISER. 276 

of it, for brethren will never fall out without giving ear 
to such evil spirits. I and the old and wise people of 
my country highly disapproved the action. I, therefore, 
came here to your fire to fetch home the hatchet, from 
an apprehension that it might have been unadvisedly 
made use of by my people, and I assure you, by this 
belt of wampum, that there shall be no more use made 
of it for the future, but it shall be buried. In confirma- 
tioa of what I say, I give you this belt of wampum." 
The solemn cry, by way of thanksgiving and joy, was 
repeated as many times as there were Nations present. 
The speaker then proceeded : 4. ^^ Brethren, the United 
Nations, this string of wampum serves to bury all that 
unhappy accident under the ground, and to lay a heavy 
stone upon it to keep it under for ever." He laid down 
some strings of wampum. The usual cry was given. 
5. "Brethren, the United Nations, these strings of wam- 
pum serve to dispel the dark cloud that overshadowed 
us for some time, that the sun may shine again and we 
may be able to see one another with pleasure." He laid 
down some strings of wampum. The usual cry, by way 
of approbation and thanks, were given. The speaker 
proceeded. 6. '^Brethren, the United Nations, these 
strings of wampum serve to take away the bitterness of 
your spirit, and to purge you from the abundance and 
overflow of your gall. All wise people judge it to be a 
dangerous distemper. When men have too much of 
that, it gives an open door to evil spirits to enter in, and 
I cannot help believing that my brethren, the United 
Nations, are often sick of that distemper." He laid 
down four row\s of wampum. The usual cry was 
given by way of approbation. The speaker proceeded. 



276 THE LIFE OF 

7. " Brethren, the United Nations, this string of wam- 
pum serves to mend the chain of friendship again, which 
was lately hurt and was in danger of being broken. Let 
good understanding and true friendship be restored and 
subsist among us for ever/' Laid four rows of wam- 
pum, the usual cry of approbation was given, and the 
speaker proceeded. 8. "Brethren, the United Nations, 
the old and wise people of my country joined with me, 
and we lodged a fine present in the hands of your brother 
Onas for your use, as a token of my own and my peo- 
ple's sincere disposition to preserve peace and friendship 
with you. We will send Commissioners to you next 
spring, to treat with you about the land now in dispute 
and in the possession of my people. Let the place and 
time be appointed for certain, that we may not miss one 
another." Laid some strings of wampum. The usual 
cry, by every Nation in particular, was given by way of 
thanksgiving and joy. Tiie speaker concluded, and 
said : " Brethren, I have no more to say at [)resent, but 
only desire you to give me a speedy answer. I have 
been here many days." 

All the wampum were hung over a stick laid across 
the house, about six feet from the ground. Several ket- 
tles of hominy, boiled Indian corn and bread, were 
brought in by the women, the biggest of which was set 
before Assaryquoa by the divider. All dined together. 
There were about sixty people. After dinner they 
walked out, every Nation's deputy by themselves, and 
soon came in again and sat together for about two hours. 
Then Zilla Woollen proclaimed that Assaryquoa was to 
have an answer now immediately ; upon which all the 
men in town gathered again, and the house was full, and 



CONRAD WEISER. 277 

many stood out of door (so it was in the forenoon, when 
the message was delivered to them.) Zilla Woolien de- 
sired Assaryquoa to give ear. Tocanontie being ap- 
pointed for their speaker, spoke to the following pur- 
pose: 

1. "Brother Assaryquoa, the unhappy skirmish 
which happened last winter betwixt your people and 
some of our warriors, was not less surprising to us than 
to you. We were very sorry to hear it. All amongst 
us were surprised. A smoke arose from the bottomless 
pit, and a dark cloud overshadowed us. The chain of 
friendship was endangered and disappeared, and all was 
in a confusion. We, the Chiefs of the United Nations, 
took hold of the chain with all our strength. We were 
resolved not to let it slip before we received a deadly 
blow. But to our great satisfaction, in the darkest time, 
our brother Onas entered our door and offered his me- 
diation. He judged very right to become mediator be- 
twixt us. We were drunk, on both sides, and the over- 
flow of our galls and the blood that was shed had cor- 
rupted our hearts, both your's and our's. You did very 
well to come to our fire and comfort the mourning fami- 
lies. We thank you. This belt shall serve for the 
same purpose to comfort the families in mourning 
amongst you." Laid a belt of wampum. After I 
thanked them, their speaker proceeded. 2. "Brother 
Assaryquoa, you have healed the wounds of the hearts 
of those families in mourning, both here and at Niha- 
runtaquoa. We thank you kindly for your so doing. 
Let this belt of wampum have the same effect upon your 
people, to heal the wounds and comfort them, as your's 
had upon our's." Laid a belt of wampum, the usual 



278 thp: life of 

thanks were given, and the speaker proceeded. 3. 
"Brother Assaryquoa, you judged very right in saying 
that an evil spirit was the promoter of the late unhappy 
skirmish. We do not doubt but you have by this time 
full satisfaction from your own })eople, besides what you 
had from us, that your people had begun hostilities. 
But let have begun who will ; we assure you it was the 
spirit that dwells amongst the Cawtabaws, and by which 
they are ruled, that did it, for brethren will never treat 
one another after this manner, without an evil spirit en- 
ters them. We agree with you and your Councilors, 
the old and wise people of your country, and disapprove 
the action highly. We thank you, brother Assaryquoa, 
for removing your hatchet, and for burying it under a 
heavy stone. Let this belt of wampum serve to remove 
our hatchet from you^ and not only bury it, but we will 
fling it into the bottomless pit — into the ocean. There 
shall be no more use made of it. In confirmation of 
what we say, we give you this belt of <A-arapum." Af- 
ter the usual approbation was given, the speaker pro- 
ceeded. 4. "Brother x4.ssaryquoa, let this string of 
wampum serve to heal the very mark of the wounds, so 
that nothing may be seen of it after this day, for it was 
done betwixt brethren. Let no more mention be made 
of it hereafter, for ever, in public or private." Laid 
down four strings of wampum. The usual cry, by way 
of approbation, was given, and the speaker proceeded. 
5. "Brother Assaryquoa, this string of wampum serves 
to return you our thanks for dispelling the dark cloud 
that overshadowed us for some time. Let the sun shine 
again. Let us look upon one another with pleasure and 
joy." Laid some strings of wampum. The usual ap- 



CONRAD WEISER. 279 

probation was given, and the speaker proceeded. 6. 
"Brother Assaryquoa, you have taken away the bitter- 
ness of our spirit, and purged us from the abundance 
and overflow of our gall. We judge, with all the rest 
of the white people, that when men have too much of 
that, it is like a dangerous distemper. But it is not 
only your brethren, the United Nations, that have too 
much gall, but the Europeans labor, likewise, under 
that distemper, in particular your back inhabitants. You 
did very well in taking away the overflow of gall. Let 
this string of wampum serve to purge your people also 
from the overflow of their gall, and to remove the bit- 
terness of their spirit ; also, we own it to be very ne- 
cessary on both sides. We thank you for the good ad- 
vice." Laid four rows of wampum. The usual appro- 
bation was given, and the speaker proceeded. 7. 
"Brother Assaryquoa, this string of wampum serves to 
thank you for mending the chain of friendship, which 
was lately hurt and in danger. We agree with you very 
readily. Let good understanding and true friendship be 
restored and subsist among us for ever." Laid four 
rows of wampum. The usual approbation was given, 
and the speaker proceeded. 8. "Brother Assaryquoa, 
we thank you kindly for the present you and the old 
and wise men of your country lodged in the hands of 
our brother Onas, your good friend, as a token of your 
sincere disposition to preserve peace and friendsliip with 
us. Let this string of wampum serve to assure you of 
the like good disposition towards you and your people, 
and as assurance that we will come down within the 
borders of Pennsylvania to a place called Canadagueany, 
next spring, and we will be very glad of seeing your 



280 THE LIFE OF 

Commissioners there. We will treat them as becomes 
brethren, with good cheer and pleasure. We will set 
out from our several towns after eight moons are past 
by, when the ninth just is to be seen, this present moon, 
which is almost expired, not to be reckoned, upon which 
you may depend. In confirmation whereof, we give 
you this string of wampum.^' The usual approbation 
being given, the speaker proceeded. " Brother Assary- 
quoa, we have no more to say at present, but we will 
not ])ermit you to leave us yet, but stay a day or two 
longer with us. We have just now received intelligence 
that the Jonontowas are on the road with some of the 
Cherokees' deputies, in order to strike a peace with us. 
They, the Cherokees, hindered the Jonontowas from 
coming sooner, and you will then hear the particulars." 
Then the speaker directed his discourse to the Nanti- 
cokes, who had been there all along present, and said : 
"Brethren, the Nanticokes, we desire you will piepare 
for to-morrow and deliver your message to us ; and as 
you have neither the United Nations, their tongue nor 
ear, we have thought fit to hear you speak with our 
English ear, and to speak to you with our English 
tongue. There is the man (pointing to me) who is the 
guardian of all the Indians." I was desired to acquaint 
the Nanticokes with it, which I did, and they were well 
pleased. They could talk some English, but not one 
word of the United Nations' language. On the 1st of 
August the Nanticokes spoke, and had their answer the 
same day. The whole day was spent about it. On tiie 
2d the Council of tiie United Nations met again, and 
Zilla Woolien desired me to give my attendance, and 
take notice of what should be said, to put it down in 



CONRAD WEISER. 281 

writing immediately, and with particular care he spoke 
as follows : "Brother Onas, Assaryquoa and the Gover- 
nor of Maryland : We are engaged in a war with the 
Cawtabaws, which will last to the end of the world, for 
they molest us and speak contemptuously to us, which 
our warriors will not bear, and they will soon go to war 
against them again. It \vill be in vain for us to dis- 
suade them from it. We desire you, by this string of 
wampum, to publish it amongst your back inhabitants, 
to be of good behavior to our warriors, and look upon 
them as their brethren, that we may never have such a 
dangerous breach hereafter. We give you the strongest 
assurance that we will use our best endeavors to per- 
suade and charge them to be of j^ood behavior everywhere 
amongst our brethren, the English, with whom we are 
one body and soul, one heart and one head, for what has 
happened is no more to be seen, and no token or mark 
remains thereof. Let the spirit of the Cawtabaws be 
banished away from us, which will set brethren to fall 
out. Let Treaties of friendship be observed, and be- 
lieve no lies. Our brother Onas knows very well that 
some years ago we made a new road on the outside of 
your inhabitants, though they had seated themselves 
down upon our land ; now your people seated themselves 
down again upon the new road and shut it up, and there 
is no more room for a new road, because of the terrible 
mountains full of stenes and no game there, so that the 
road cannot be removed. To enforce this upon you, we 
give you this string of wampum, which serves likewise 
for an assurance that we will observe Treaties of friend- 
ship with you and believe no lies, and will persuade our 
warriors to behave well every where amongst your people, 



282 THE LIFE OF 

our brethren." Laid a string of wampum of three rows. 
They desired that this might be sent to Maryland and 
Virginia, immediately, from Philadelphia. " Brother 
Onas, this string of wampum serves to return you our 
hearty thanks for your kind mediation. We thank our 
brother Assaryquoa for the kind visit. Let good friend- 
ship and peace be amongst us to tlie end of the world." 
After all was over, according to the ancient custom of 
that fire, a song of friendship and joy was sung by the 
Chiefs. After this, the Council fire on their side was 
put out. I, with the same ceremony, put out the fire, 
in behalf of Assaryquoa and Onas, and they departed. 
On the 3d of August I put down, in the morning, the 
speech of the Nanticokes, and visited Tocammtie. All 
the Chiefs of the Onondagas came to see us — took ray 
leave of them — set out about nine and departed from 
Onondago. They desired to be remembered to their 
brethren in Philadelphia, in particular to the Governor 
and James Logan. The time that we staid at Onondago 
we wece well entertained with hominy, venison, dried 
eels, squashes and Indian corn bread. They gave us 
provisions on the road homeward, so much as we wanted. 
We passed Cajadachse — took my leave thereof. Zilla 
Woollen and I arrived that day on the first branch of 
the Susquehanna. 

CONRAD WEISER. 



CONRAD weisp:r. 283 

NO. IV. 
Report of His Third Journey to Shamokin. 

Shamokin, May 2, 1744. 

This day I delivered the Governor's message to Olum- 
apies, the Delaware Chief, and the rest of the Delaware 
Indians, in the presence of Shekallamy and a few more 
of the Six Nations, the purport of which was that I was 
sent expressly by the Governor and Council to demand 
those that had been concerned with Mussemeelin in 
murdering John Armstrong, Woodward Arnold and 
James Smith — that their bodies might be searched for 
and decently buried ; that the goods be likewise found 
and restored without fraud. It was delivered to them 
by me in the Mohawk language, and interpreted into 
Delaware by Andrew, Madam Montour's son. 

In the afternoon, Olumapies, in the presence of the 
aforesaid Indians, made the following answer : 

" Brother, the Governor : 

"It is true that we, the Delaware Indians, by the in- 
stigation of the evil spirit, have murdered James Arm- 
strong and his men. We have transgressed, and we are 
ashamed to look up. W^e have taken the murderer and 
delivered him to the relations of the deceased, to be dealt 
with according to his works. 

" Brother, the Governor : 

"Your demand for the goods is very just. We have 
gathered some of them. We will do the utmost of what 
we can to find them all. We do not doubt but we can 
find out the most part, and whatever is wanting we will 
make up in skins, which is what the goods are sent for 
to the woods. 



284 THE LIFE OB^ 

^'Brother, the Governor: 

'^ The dead bodies are buried. It is certain that John 
Armstrong was buried by the murderer, and the other 
two by those that searched for them. Our hearts are in 
mourninon, and we are in a dismal condition and cannot 
say anything at present.^' 

Then Shekallamy, with the rest of the Indians of 
the Six Nations that were present, said : " Brother, the 
Governor — We have been all misinformed on both sides 
about the unhappy accident. Mussemeelin has certainly 
murdered the three white men himself, and upon his 
bare accusation of Neshaleeny's son, which was nothing 
but spite. The said Neshaleeny's son was seized and 
made a prisoner. Our cousins, the Delaware Indians, 
being then drunk, in particular Olumapies, never ex- 
amined things, but made an innocent person prisoner, 
which gave a great deal of disturbance amongst us. 
However, the two prisoners were sent, and by the way 
in going down the river, they stopped at the house of 
James Berry. James told the young man, ^I am sorry 
to see you in such a condition. I have known you from 
a boy, and always loved you.' Then the young man 
seemed to be very much struck to the heart, and said, 
^I have said nothing yet, but now I will tell all. Let 
all the Indians come in, and the white people also. They 
shall hear it.' And then told Mussemeelin, in the pres- 
ence of all the people : 

" *Now I am going to die for your wickedness. You 
have killed all the three white me i. I nev^er did in- 
tend to kill any of them ' Then Mussemeelin, in anger, 
said, ^It is true I have killed them. I am a man ; you 
are a coward. It is a great satisfaction to me to have 



CONRAD WEISER. 285 

killed them. I will die with joy for having killed a 
great rogue and his companions/ Upon which the 
young man was set at liberty by the Indians. We de- 
sire, therefore, our brother, the Governor, will not in- 
sist to have either of the two young men in prison or 
condemned to die. It is not with Indians as with white 
people, to put people in prison on suspicion or for trifles. 
Indians must be first found guilty of a crime, then judg- 
ment is given and immediately executed. We will 
give you faithfully all the particulars, and at the ensuing 
Treaty entirely satisfy you. In the meantime we desire 
that good friendship and harmony may continue, and 
that we may live long together is the hearty desire of 
your brethren, the Indians of the United Six Nations, 
present at Shamokin." 

The following is what Shekallamy declared to be the 
truth of the story concerning the murder of John Arm- 
strong, Woodward Arnold and James Smith, from the 
beginning to the end, to wit : 

'* That Mussemeelin owing some skins to John Arm- 
strong, the said Armstrong seized a horse of the said 
Mussemeelin, and a rifled gun. The gun was taken by 
James Smith, deceased. Sometime last winter Musse- 
meelin met Armstrong on the river Juniata, and paid to 
about twenty shillings, for which he offered a neck-belt 
in pawn to Armstrong, and demanded his horse, and 
John Armstrong refused it and would not deliver up 
the horse, but enlarged the debt, as his usual custom 
was ; and after some quarrel, the Indian went away 
in great anger, without his horse, to his hunting cabin. 
Sometime after this, Armstrong, with his two compan- 
ions on their way to Ohio, passed by the said Musse- 



286 THE LIFE OF 

meelin's hunting cabin. His wife only being at home, 
demanded the horse of Armstrong, because he was her 
proper goods, but did not get him (Armstrong had by 
this time sold or lended the horse to James Berry.) Af- 
ter Mussemeelin came from hunting, his wife told him 
that Armstrong was gone by, and that she had de- 
manded the horse of him, but did not get him (and, as 
is thought, pressed him to pursue and take revenge of 
Armstrong.) The third day, in the morning, after 
John Armstrong was gone by, Mussemeelin said to the 
two young men that hunted with him, 'Come, let us go 
towards the great hills, to hunt bears.' Accordingly they- 
went, all three, in company. After they had gone a 
good way, Mussemeelin, who was foremost, was told by 
the two young men that they were out of their course. 
* Come you along,' said Mussemeelin, and they accord- 
ingly followed him till they came to the path that leads 
to Ohio. Then Mussemeelin told them, he had a good 
mind to go and fetch his horse back from Armstrong, 
and desired the two young men to come along. Accord- 
ingly they went along. It was then almost night, and 
they traveled till next morning. Mussemeelin said, 
'Now they are not far off. We will make ourselves 
black. Then they will be frightened and deliver up the 
horse immediately, and I will tell Jack, that if he don't 
give me the horse, I will kill him,' and when he said 
so, he laughed. The young men thought he joked, as 
he used to do. They did not blacken themselves, but 
he did. When the sun was above the trees (or about 
an hour high), they all came to the fire, where they 
found James Smith sitting, and they also sat down. 
Mussemeelin asked where Jack was. Smith told him 



CONRAD WEISER. 287 

that he was gone to clear the road a little. Mussemee- 
lin said he wanted to speak with him, and went that 
way, and after he had gone a little distance from the fire, 
he said something and looked back, langhing ; but he 
having a thick throat and his speech being very bad, 
and their talking with Smith hindered them from un- 
derstanding what he said, they did not mind it. They 
being hungry. Smith told them to kill some turtles, of 
which there were plenty, and we would make some 
bread, and by and by they would all eat together. While 
they were talking, they heard a gun go off not far away, 
at which time Woodward Arnold was killed, as they 
learned afterwards. Soon thereafter Mussemeelin came 
back and said, ^ Why did you two not kill that white 
man, according as I bid you ? I have laid the other two 
down.' At this they were surprised, and one of the 
young men, commonly called Jeramey, ran away to the 
river-side. Mussemeelin said to the other, *How will 
you do to kill Cawtabaws, if you cannot kill white 
men ? You coward, I'll show you how you must do.' 
And, then, taking up the English ax that lay there, he 
struck it three times into Smith's head before he died. 
Smith never stirred. Then he told the young Indian to 
call the other, but he was so terrified that he could not 
call. Mussemeelin then went and fetched him, and said 
to him that two of the white men were killed ; he must 
go and kill the third, then each of them would have 
killed one. But neither of them dare venture to talk 
anything about it. Then he pressed them to go along 
with him. He went foremost. Then one of the young 
men told the other, as they went along, ' My friend, 
don't kill any of the white people. Let him do what he 



288 THE LIFE OF 

will. I have not killed Smith. He has clone it him- 
self. We have no need to do such a barbarous thing.^ 
Mussemeelin beintr then a good way before them, in a 
hurry, they soon saw John Armstrong setting upon an 
old log. Mussemeelin spoke to him and said, ^ Where 
is my horse ?' Armstrong made answer and said, ^ He 
will come by and by; you shall have him.' ^I want 
him now,' said Mussemeelin. Armstrong answered, 
*You shall have him. Come, let us go to that fire 
(which was at some distance from the place where Arm- 
strong sat), and let us smoke and talk together.' 'Go 
along, then,' said Mussemeelin. 'I am coming,' said 
Armstrong; 'do you go before Mussemeelin ; do you go 
foremost.' Armstrong looked then like a dead man, and 
went towards the fire, and was immediately shot in his 
back by Mussemeelin, and fell. Mussemeelin then took 
his hatchet and struck it into Armstrong's head, and 
said, 'Give me my horse, I tell you.' By this time one 
of the young men had fled again that had gone away be- 
fore, but he returned in a short time. Mussemeelin 
then told the young men they must not offer to discover 
or tell a word about what had been done for their lives, 
but they must help him to bury Jack, and the other two 
were to be thrown into the river. After that was done, 
Mussemeelin ordered them to load the horses and follow 
him towards the hill, where they intended to hide the 
goods. Accordingly they did, and as they were going, 
Mussemeelin told them that as there were a great many 
Indians hunting about that place, if they should happen 
to meet with any, they must be killed, to prevent their 
betraying them. As they went along, Mussemeelin go- 
ing before, the two young men agreed to run away as 



CON HAD WEI8ER. 289 

soon as they (^ould meet with any Indians, and not to 
hurt anybody. They came to the desired place, the hor- 
ses were unloaded, and Mnssemeelin opened the bundles 
and offered the two young men eacli a parcel of goods. 
They told him that, as they had already sold their skins, 
and everybody knew they had nothing, they would cer- 
tainly be charged with a l)lack action, were they to bring 
any goods to the town, and therefore they would not ac- 
cept any ; but promised, nevertheless, not to betray him. 
^ Now,' says Mussemeelin, ' I know what you were talk- 
ing about when you stayed so far behind ; you have 
agreed to betray me, but you shall fare like the white 
men, if you intend to hurt me. The two young men 
being in great danger of losing their own lives (of which 
they had been much afraid all that day,) accepted what 
he offered them, and the rest of the goods thev put in a 
heap and covered them from the rain, and then went to 
their hunting cabin ; Mussemeelin unexpectedly finding 
two or three more Indians there, laid down his goods 
and said he had killed Jack Armstrong, and taken pay 
for his horse, and should any of them discover it, that 
person he would likewise kill ; but otherwise they might 
all take a part of the goods. The young man called 
Jimmey went away to Shamokin, after Mussemeelin was 
gone to bury the goods, with three more Indians with 
whom he had prevailed ; one of them was Neshaleeny's 
son, whom he had ordered to kill James Smith, but 
those Indians would not have any of the goods. Some 
time after the young Indian had been in Shamokin, it 
was whispered about that some of the Delaware Indians 
had killed Armstrong and his men. A drunken Indian 
came to one of the Tudolous houses at night, and told 
19 



290 THE LIFE OF 

the man of the house that he could tell him a piece of bad 
news. ^ What is that ?' said the other. The drunken 
man said, ^ Some of our Delaware Indians have killed 
Armstrong and his men, which, if our Chiefs should not 
resent and take them up, I will kill them myself to pre- 
vent a disturbance between us and the white people, our 
brethren.' Next morning Shekallamy and some other 
Indians of the Delawares were called to assist Olumapies 
in Council. Then Shekallamy and Olumapies got one 
of the Tridolow Indians to write a letter to me, to desire 
me to come to Shamokin in all haste, that the Indians 
were much dissatisfied in mind. This letter was brought 
to my house by four Delaware Indians, sent express, but 
I was then in Philadelphia, and when I came home and 
found no particulars mentioned in the letter, and that 
none of the Six Nations had been down, I did not care 
to meddle with Delaware Indian affairs, and stayed al 
home till I received the Governor's orders to go, which 
was about two weeks after. Olumapies was advised by 
his Council to employ a conjurer (or ker, as they call it) 
to find out the murderer ; accordingly he did, and the 
Indians met ; the seer being busy all night, told them 
in the morning to examine such and such a one ; they 
were present when Armstrong was killed, naming the 
two young men (Mussemeelin was then present) ; accor- 
dingly, Olumapies, Quitheyyquent, and Thomas Greene, 
an Indian, went to him that fled first and examined him; 
he told the whole story very freely ; then they went to 
the other, but he would not say a word, and went away 
and left them. The three Indians returned to Shekalla- 
my and informed him of what discovery they had made, 
when it was agreed to secure the murderers, and deliver 



CONRAD WEISER. 291 

them up to the white people. Then a great noise arose 
among the Delaware Indians, and some were afraid of 
their b'v^es and went into the woods. Not one cared to 
meddle with Mussemeelin and the other that could not 
be prevailed on to discover anything, because of the re- 
sentment of their families ; but they being pressed by 
Shekallamy's sons to secure the murderers, otherwise 
they would be cut off from the chain of friendship, four 
or five of the Delawares made Mussemeelin and the 
other young man prisoners and tied them both. They 
lay twenty-four hours, and none of them would venture 
to conduct them down, because of the great division 
among the Delaware Indians ; and Olumapies, in dan- 
ger of being killed, fled to Shekallamy and begged his 
protection. At last Shekallamy 's son. Jack, went to the 
Delawares, most of them being drunk, as they had been 
for several days, and told them to deliver the prisoners 
to Alexander Armstrong, and if they were afraid to do 
it, they might separate their heads from their bodies and 
lay them in the canoe, and carry them to Alexander, to 
roast and eat them. That would satisfy his revenge, as 
he wants to eat Indians. They prevailed with the said 
Jack to assist them, and accordingly he and his brother 
and some of the Delawares went with two canoes and 
carried them off." 

CONRAD WEISP:R. 



292 THE LIFE OP^ 

NO. V. 

Extract of His Journey to Oxondago. 

On the 19th of May, 1745, I set out for Onoiidago, 
in company with Shekallamy, one of the Indian Chiefs, 
his son, and Andrew Montour, and we arrived safely at 
Onondago on the 6th of June following. On the 7th, 
early in the morning, Canassatego, Caheshcarowano, the 
black Prince, and Caxhayion, came to receive me and 
my company. The best part of the day was spent with 
discourses concerning news. I understood that the mes- 
senger I sent from Diadagdon on the 29th of last month 
arrived three days before me, and that the Council of 
the Six Nations was sent for immediately after his ar- 
rival. The Senecas and Cayugas were sent for to Os- 
wego, where it was said the Chiefs of the said Nations 
were. The aforesaid Chiefs told me that last fall the 
French Governor of Canada had sent to Onondago to 
invite all or a great number of the Six Nations to come 
and see him, and that a great number of them were de- 
termined to go, and some were already at Oswego, where 
they intended to meet, in order to proceed to Canada, 
and that the Onondagas were to go in great numbers, 
and would have set out the day before, had not the mes- 
senger I sent arrived. 

I asked how their brethren, the Governor of New 
York and the Commissioners of Albany, approved of 
their going to Canada. They said, the Governor of 
New York and the Commissioners of Albany had sent 
to them, last winter, to desire them to stay at home; but, 
as they had hitherto a good correspondence both with 
the French and English, they thought to continue it, 



CONRAD WEISER. 293 

and would, on their return, give a faithful account of all 
the transactions that j^assed between them and the 
French to their brethren, the English, and added, that 
their brethren, the English, had just reason to suspect 
and disapprove of their going, on account of the war be- 
tween the J^nglish and French, and that the French 
were known to be a crafty people. " But," said they, 
"we know very well that the French Governor of 
Canada will try to gain upon us, but it will be in vain 
for him, as we have already agreed what to say to him, 
and will not go from it." On the 8th I visited Canassa- 
tego and Caheshcarowano, and held a private conference 
with them. I read and interpreted my instructions and 
had their advice, and they promised their good offices to 
assist me. The Deputies of the Oneidas and Tuscaroras 
arrived, as did likewise the Cayugas and one of the 
Chiefs of the Senecas. The Chiefs came to let me know 
that they expected to hear what I had to say next morn- 
ing in behalf of their brethren. On the 9th 1 delivered 
my message in form following: "Brethren, the Six 
United Nations now met at your Council fire at Onon- 
dago — I am sent to you by the Governor of Pennsylva- 
nia, your brother, with a message that concerns your 
brother, the Governor of Virginia, and it is at his re- 
quest that I am now come to this, your Council fire." 
Here I laid down a string of wampum, and continued. 
"Brethren, according to the promise your brother As- 
saryquoa made to you at the last Treaty held at I>an- 
casler between you and your brethren Tocarryhoagon, 
Assaryquoa and Onas, he sent a message to the Cawta- 
baws, to invite them to a Treaty with you, the Six 
United Nations of Indians, and to advice them to send 



294 THE LIFE OF 

Deputies to you, the said Nations. The Cawtabaws re- 
ceived the message very kindly, and thanked your 
brother Assaryquoa for his care and assistance, and made 
answer in the following manner (here I took the Cawta- 
baws' letter to the Governor of Virginia and explained 
it to the Council, but named Williamsburg as the place 
where the Cawtabaws desired to treat with the Six Na- 
tions, instead of their own towns and country, for that 
would have caused suspicion) : After your brother As- 
saryquoa received this letter, he wrote a letter to your 
brother Onas and enclosed the Cawtabaws' letter, and 
desired that he would assist him in this weighty affair, 
and take the matter wholly into his own hands. To 
which your brother Onas, out of a tender and brotherly 
affection for his brethren, the Six United Nations, gave 
his consent ; at the same time considering that a peace 
with the CJawtabaws would in a great measure be con- 
ducive to the preservation of his brethren, the Six 
United Nations. In confirmation of what has been 
said, I give you this belt of wampum, and you may de- 
pend upon the truth of the narrative. Brethren, the 
Governor of Pennsylvania now, jointly with the Gover- 
nor of Virginia, advises you in the most friendly man- 
ner to hold a Congress with the Cawtabaws, they being 
also children of the great King over the waters, and con- 
sequently brethren of the English, and desire to live in 
peace and brotherly love with you. It will be both to 
the honor and interest of the Six Nations to make a firm 
and lasting peace with the Cawtabaws. To enforce this, 
so just a request, upon you, and to make the deepest 
impression into your minds, your brethren Onas and 
Assaryquoa present you witii this belt of wampum." 



CONRAD WEISER. 295 

Here I laid down a large belt. After the usual cry ol 
Jo-haa, which is always given distinctly by every Na- 
tion after the receipt of a belt, I took, up a third belt of 
wampum and said, '' Brethren, by this belt of wampum 
the Governor of Pennsylvania, jointly with the Gover- 
nor of Virginia, your brethren, invite you to a Congress 
with the Cawtabaws, in the town of Williamsburg, 
where you will be very kindly entertained, and the 
Cawtabaws will be there also. They are desired to send 
five Deputies, and no more, and the like number will be 
expected from you. Brethren, it is well known among 
your brethren Onas and Assaryquoa that you are suspi- 
cious and mistrustful of the sincerity of the Cawtabaws 
(and no doubt but you have some reason for it), but do 
you receive the invitation from your brethren ( )nas and 
Assaryquoa, who will see justice done to you. 

" If the Cawtabaws send no Deputies to Williams- 
burg, they will be looked uj^on as a faithless and dis- 
contented people, and given up to your warriors, to be 
punished according to their deserts, and the Deputies 
you send will be rewarded for their fatigue and so long 
a journey, whether the Cawtabaws send any Deputies or 
not.'^ Here I laid down the belt of wampum which I 
had in my hand, and which was received with the usual 
sound of Jo-haa by the Council, and with shouts of joy 
by the younger. I told them [ had no more to say con- 
cerning this affair. 

After a few minutes' silence, Tocanontie (otherwise 
called the black Prince) repeated the whole speech over, 
to know whether everything was rightly understood. I 
made him sensible of one thing, which he liad omitted, 
and told him that the rest was rio^ht — then the Council 



296 THE LIFE OF 

asked what 1 had I'urther to say ; I then proceeded. ''Breth- 
ren, the Six United Nations now met at your Council 
fire in Onondago— rl desire you will hear what I have in 
charge from your brother, the Governor of Pennsylva- 
nia. You can easily remember that at the time of the 
last Treaty held in Lansaster we had the French King's 
proclamation of war against the English, and you were 
then asked by yourJ)rother, the Governor of Pennsyl- 
vania, in the presence of your brethren, the Governors 
of Virginia and Maryland, and in the presense of a mul- 
titude of people, what your brethren, the English, might 
expect from you in this war. To which you made answer, 
in the presence of the same company, in manner follow- 
ing, that you would not suffer either party to march any 
troops over nor to commit hostilities upon your lands. 
At the same time our traders that used to trade to Ohio 
were present, and having placed a great deal of confi- 
dence in what you had said, went immediately to trade 
again to Ohio, thinking themselves secure from being 
molested either by the French or Indians ; but they 
have since found themselves mistaken, having been 
robbed and taken prisoners by a large party of French 
and Indians, with Peter Ohartier at their head. (Here 
I explained the narrative of the deponents to them, and 
told them that the Governor of Pennsylvania could do 
nothing more at present in the affair than to acquaint 
them with it and hear their answer, which I desired they 
would give after they had weighed the matter well, and 
added) : The Shawncse are in your power, and so is Pe- 
ter Ohartier, who is turned from a subject of the King 
of Great Britain a rebel against him. You will there- 
fore see vour brother, the Governor of Pennsylvania, 



CONRAD WEISER. 297 

justice done against that rebel, Peter Chartier, and com- 
pel the Shawnese to make restitution of the goods and 
prisoners taken by them. To enforce this upon you, I 
am ordered by the Governor of Pennsylvania to lay this 
belt of wampum before his brethren, the Council of the 
Six Nations.'^ The belt was received with the usual 
sound of Jo-haa, and a clamor against the Shawnese. 
After the black Prince had repeated what I had said, 
and heard my approbation, the Council was rejoiced, and 
made a feast in honor of Onas and Assaryquoa. On 
the 10th, the Council sat all that afternoon till midnight, 
and next morning again till about ten o'clock, and then 
they came to the Council house (the house where I 
lodged) and acquainted me that they were ready to give 
an answer, which, accordingly, they did in the following 
manner : '^ Brethren Onas and x\ssaryquoa — We are very 
glad to hear from you, and take your message very 
kindly. Your request is of very great importance, and 
which concerns our allies as well as us, and the Deputies 
now met at this Council fire cannot take upon them to 
give a positive answer to it. The warriors must be con- 
sulted about it, and all the Chiefs of the Six United Na- 
tions, together with the Captains of war, must meet and 
consult together before a firm and lasting peace can be 
made with the Cawtabaws ; and as a great many of our 
people, with several of our Chiefs, are now going to 
Canada, at the invitation of the French Governor sent 
to us last fall, we must therefore defer the whole aftair 
till their return, and a Council, as before, will then be 
called, and your belts of wampum laid before them ; we 
must, therefore, keep your belts of wampum in our 
hands till then, and as soon as the Council is over, we 



298 THE LIFE OF 

will immediately send to you and let you know what 
the result of the Council will be, and at what time in 
the next spring our Deputies can come down. In the 
meantime we will keep our warriors at home and not suf- 
fer them to go to war against the Cawtabaws till we have 
heard what resolutions they will come to, and a Congress 
be held with them, whom we expect to see at our Council 
fire in Philadelphia. Williamsburg, where our brother 
Assaryquoa lives, is too far off, and no Council fire is 
yet kindled there, neither is there any road cleared to 
that place, and for us to go there the first time, to meet 
the Cawtabaws, would be dishonorable to us. Brethren 
Onas and Assaryquoa, we desire that you will not take 
it amiss that we don't come down this summer. If you 
consider the importance of the affair and our present cir- 
cumstances, you will find that we cannot come any 
sooner. We have no more to say on this affair.'' After 
a few minutes' silence, the speaker Tocanontie (or the 
black Prince) began again: ''Brother Onas — We are 
sorry to hear what has happened to your traders in Ohio 
by that treacherous man, Peter Chartier, through the 
influence of the French. We go now to Canada and 
shall take your belt of wampum with us. We look 
upon what has happened to your traders as an open 
breach of the peace on the side of the French against us, 
and the blow that is given, as if it were given to our 
head. Depend upon it, that the French shall make res- 
titution of men and goods, if it be their doings, other- 
wise the Shawnese shall. We are very glad that this 
news has reached our Council fire before we set out for 
Canada. After our return you will have a full answer 
to this aflair, and no doubt but a satisfactory one. We 



CONRAD WEISER. 299 

have no more to say/' iVfter the Council was over, the 
black Prince invited all the Deputies and the Chiefs of 
Onondago, myself and company to a dinner. We all 
went directly to his house. He entertained us plenti- 
fully with hominy, dried venison, and fish, and after 
dinner we were served with a dram around. Whilst we 
were at dinner, they had several discourses among them- 
selves about the Shawnese, against whom they seemed 
to be very much exasperated, and some said their behav- 
ior was a challenge to war, and that there would be war 
proclaimed against them. They wondered why Onas 
did not immediately proclaim war against the Shawnese 
and send for assistance. Others answered, Onas acted 
very prudently in letting the United Nations first know 
what had happened, and that it was according to the 
late Treaty held last year. They seemed to expect 
nothing less than war with the Shawnese and a peace 
with the Cawtabaws. 

CONRAD WEISER. 



300 THE LIFE OF 

NO. VI. 
Report of His Journey to Ohio. 

August 11, 1748. Set out from my house and came 
to James Galbreath's that day, 30 miles. 

12th. Came to George Croghan's, 15 miles. 

13th. To Robert Dunnings, 20 miles. 

14th. To the Tuscaroro Path, 30 miles. 

15th and 16th. Lay by on account of the men com- 
ing back sick, and some other affairs hindering us. 

17th. Crossed the Tuscaroro Hill and came to the 
sleeping place called the Black Log, 20 miles. 

18th. Had a great rain in the afternoon. Came 
within two miles of the Standing Stone, 24 miles. 

19th. We traveled but 12 miles. Were obliged to 
dry our things in the afternoon. 

20th. Came to Frankstown, but saw no houses or 
cabins. Here we overtook the goods, because four of 
George Croghan's hands fell sick ; 26 miles. 

21st. Lay by, it raining all day. 

22d. Crossed Allegheny Hill and came to the clear 
fields, 16 miles. 

23d. Came to the Shawnese cabins, 34 miles. 

24th. Found a dead man on the road, who had killed 
himself by drinking too much whisky. The place be- 
ing very stony, we could not dig a grave. He smelling 
very strong, we covered him with stones and wood, and 
went on our journey. Came to the 10 Mile Lick, 32 
miles. 

25th. Crossed Kiskeminetues Creek and came to 
Ohio that day, 26 miles. 

26th. Hired a canoe. Paid 1,000 black wampum 



CONRAD WEISER. 301 

for the loan of it to Logstown. Our horses being all 
tired, we went by water and came that night to a Dela- 
ware town. The Indians used us very kindly. 

27th. Set oif again in the morning, early. Rainy 
weather. We dined in a Seneca town, where an old Se- 
neca woman reigns with great authority. We dined at 
her house, and they all used us very well. At this and 
the last mentioned Delaware town they received us by 
firing a great many guns — especially at this last place. 
We saluted the town by firing off four pairs ©f pistols. 
Arrived that evening at Logstown and saluted the town 
as before. The Indians returned about one hundred 
guns. Great joy appeared in their countenances. From 
the place where we took water, i. e. from the old Shaw- 
nese town, commonly called Chartier's town, to this 
place is about 60 miles by water and but 35 or 40 by 
land. 

The Indian Council met this evening, to shake hands 
with me and to show their satisfaction at my safe ar- 
rival. I desired of them to send a couple of canoes to 
fetch down the goods from Chartier's old town, where 
we had been obliged to leave them on account of our 
horses being all tired. I gave them a string of wampum, 
to enforce my request. 

28th. Lay still. 

29th. The Indians set off in three canoes to fetch the 
goods. I expected the goods would be all at Chartier's 
old town by the time the canoes would get there, as we 
met about twenty horses of George Croghan's at the 
Shawnese cabins, in order to fetch the goods that was 
then lying at Frankstown. 

This day news came to town that the Six Nations 



302 THE LIFE OF 

were on the point of declaring war against the French, 
for reason the French had imprisoned some of the In- 
dian Deputies. A Council was held and all the Indians 
acquainted with the news, and it was said the Indian 
messenger was on the way to give all the Indians notice 
to make ready to fight the French. This day my com- 
panions went to Coscosky, a large Indian town about 30 
miles off. 

30th. I went to Beaver Creek, an Indian town about 
8 miles off, chiefly Dela wares, the rest Mohawks, to have 
some belts of wampum made. This afternoon rainy 
weather set in, which lasted above a week. Andrew 
Montour came back from Coscosky with a message from 
the Indians there to desire of me that the ensuing Coun- 
cil might be held at their town. We both lodged at 
this town at George Croghan's trading house. 

31st. Sent Andrew Montour back to Coscosky with 
a string of wampum, to let the Indians there know that 
it was an act of their own that the ensuing Council must 
be held at Logstown. They had ordered it so last 
spring, when George Croghan was up, and at the last 
Treaty in Lancaster the Shawnese and Twightwees have 
been told so, and they staid accordingly for that pur- 
pose, and both would be offended if the Council was to 
be held at Coscosky ; besides, my instructions bind me 
to Logstown, and could go no further without giving 
offence. 

Sept. 1st. The Indians in Logstown having heard 
of the message from Coscosky, sent for me, to know 
what I was resolved to do, and told me that the Indians 
at Coscosky were no more Chiefs than themselves, and 
that last spring they had nothing to eat, and expecting 



CONRAD WEISER. 303 

that they should have nothing to eat at our arrival. Or- 
dered that the Council should be held here. Now their 
corn is ripe. They want to remove the Council, but 
they ought to stand by their word. We have kept the 
Twightwees here and our brethren, the Shawnese, from 
below on that account, as I told thern the message that 
I had sent by Andrew Montour. They were content. 

2. Rain continued. The Indians brought in a good 
deal of venison. 

3d. Set up the union flag on a long pole. Treated 
all the company with a dram of rum. The King's 
health was drank by Indians and white men. Towards 
night a great many Indians arrived to attend the Coun- 
cil. There was great firing on both sides. The stran- 
gers first saluted the town at a quarter of a mile distance, 
and at their entry the town's people returned the fire, 
also the English traders, of whom there were above 
twenty. At night, being very sick of the cholic, I got 
bled. 

4th. Was obliged to keep my bed all day, being very 
weak. 

5th. I found myself better. Scaiohady came to see 
me. Had some discourse with him about the ensuing 
Council. 

6th. Had a Council with the Wondats, otherwise 
called lonontady Hngas. They made a fine speech to 
me, to make me welcome, and appeared in the whole 
very friendly. Rainy weather continued. 

7th. Being informed that the Wondats had a mind 
to go back again to the French, and had endeavored to 
take the Delawares with them to recommend them to 
the French, I sent Andrew Montour to Beaver Creek 



304 THE LIFE OF 

with a string of warapum, to inform himself of the truth 
of the matter. They sent a string in answer, to let me 
know they had no corres])ondence that way with the 
Wondats, and that the aforesaid report was false. 

8th. Had a Council with the Chiefs of the Wondatsi 
inquired their number, and what occasioned them to 
come away from the French ; what correspondence they 
had with the Six Nations, and whether or not they had 
ever had any correspondence with the Government of 
New York. They informed me, their coming away 
from the French was because of the hard usage they re- 
ceived from them ; that they would always get their 
young men to go to war against their enemies, and 
would use them as their own people, that is, like slaves, 
and their goods were so dear that they, the Indians, 
could not buy them ; that there were one hundred fight- 
ing men that came over to join the English — seventy 
were left behind at another town a good distance off, 
and they hoped tliey would follow them ; that they had 
a very good correspondence with the Six Nations many 
years, and were one people with them ; that they could 
wish the Six Nations would act more briskly against the 
French ; that above fifty years ago they made a Treaty 
of friendship with the Governor of New York at Al- 
bany, and showed nae a large belt of wampum they re- 
ceived there from the said Governor as from the King 
of Great Britain. The belt was 25 grains wide and 265 
long, very curiously wrought. There were seven images 
of men holding one another by the hand — the first sig- 
nifying the Governor of New York (or rather, as they 
said, the King of Great Britain), the second the Mo- 
hawks, the third the Oneidas, the fourth the Cayugas, 



CONRAD WEISER. 305 

the fifth tlie Onondagas, the sixth the Senecas, the sev- 
enth the Owendaets, and two rows of black wampum 
under their feet through the whole length of the belt, to 
signify the road from Albany through the Five Nations 
to the Owendaets ; that six years ago they had sent 
Deputies with the same belt to Albany, to renew the 
friendship. 

I treated them with a quart of whisky and a roll of 
tobacco. They expressed their good wishes to King 
George and all his people, and were mightily pleased 
that I looked upon them as brethren of the English. 

This day I desired the Deputies of all the Nations 
of Indians settled on the waters of Ohio, to give me a 
list of their fighting men, which they promised to do. 
A great many of the Indians went away this day, be- 
cause tht; goods did not come, and the people in the town 
could not find provisions enough, the number being so 
great. 

The following is the number of every Nation, given 
to me by their several Deputies in Council, in so many 
sticks tied up in a bundle : 

The Senecas, 163 ; Shawnese, 162; O^^endaets, 100; 
Tisagechroanu, 40 ; Mohawks, 74 ; Mohickons, 15 ; 
Onondagas, 35; Cayugas, 20; Oneidas, 15; Delawares, 
165— in all, 789. 

9th. I had a Council with the Senecas, and gave 
them a large string of wampum, black and white, to ac- 
quaint them I had it in charge from the President and 
Council in Philadelphia, to inquire wdio it was that 
lately took the people prisoners in Carolina, one thereof 
being a great man, and that by what discovery I had al- 
ready made, I found it was some of the Senecas that did 
20 



306 THE LIFE OF 

it. I therefore desired them to give me their reasons 
for doing so, and iis they had struck their hatchet into 
their brethren's body, they could not expect that I could 
deliver my message with a good heart before they gave 
me satisfaction in that respect, for they must consider 
the English, though living in several Provinces, are all 
one people, and doing mischief to one is doing to the 
other. Let me have a plain and direct answer. 

10th. A great many of the Indians got drunk. One 
Henry Noland had brought nearly thirty gallons of 
whisky to the town. This day I made a present to the 
old Shawnese Chief, Catchawatcheky, of a stroud, a 
blanket, a match-coat, a shirt, a pair of stockings, and a 
large twist of tobacco, and told him that the President 
and Council of Philadelphia remembered their love to 
him as to their old and true friend, and would clothe 
his body once more, and wished he might wear them out, 
80 as to give them an opportunity to clothe him again. 
There were a great many Indians present, two of whom 
were the big Hominy and the Pride, those that went off 
with Chartier, but protested against his proceedings 
against our traders. Catchawatcheky returned thanks^ 
and some of the Six Nations did the same, and expressed 
their satisfaction to see a true man taken notice of, al- 
though he was now grown childish. 

11th. George Croghan and myself staved an eight 
gallon keg of liquor belonging to the aforesaid Henry 
Noland, who could not be prevailed on to hide it in the 
woods, but would sell it and get drunk himself. 

I desired some of the Indians in Council to send 
some of their young men to meet our people with the 
goods, and not to come back before they heard of or saw 



CX)NRAD WEISER. 307 

them. I begun to be afraid they had fallen into the 
hands of the enemy. So did the Indians. 

Ten warriors came to town by water from Niagara. 
We suspected them very much, and feared that some of 
their parties went to meet our people by hearing of 
them. 

1 2th. Two Indians and a white man went out to 
meet our people, and had orders not to come back before 
they saw them, or go to Frankstown, where we left the 
goods. The same day the Indians made answer to my 
request concerning the prisoners taken in Carolina. 
Thanayieson, a speaker of the Senecas, spoke to the fol- 
lowing purpose in the presence of all the Deputies of 
the other Nations (we were out of doors) : " Brethren, 
you came a great way to visit us, and many sorts of evils 
might have befallen you on the way, which might have 
been hurtful to your eyes and your inward parts, for 
the woods are full of evil spirits. We give you this 
string of wampum to clear up your eyes and minds, and 
to remove all bitterness of your spirit, that you may 
hear us speak in good cheer." Then the speaker took 
his belt in his hand, and said ; "Brethren, when we and 
you first saw one another at your first arrival at Albany, 
we shook hands together and became brethren, and we 
tied your ship to the bushes, and after we had more ac- 
quaintance with you, we loved you more and more, and 
perceiving that a bush would not hold your vessel, we 
then tied her to a large tree, and ever after good friend- 
ship continued between us. Afterwards, you, our 
brethren, told us that a tree might happen to fall down 
and the rope rot wherewith the ship was tied. You 
then proposed to make a silver chain and tie your ship 



308 THE LIFE OF 

to the great mountains in the Five Nations' country, 
and that chain was called the chain of friendship. We 
were all tied by our arms together with it, and we, the 
Indians of the Five Nations, heartily agreed to it, and 
ever since a very good correspondence has been kept be- 
tween us. But we are very sorry that at your coming 
here we are obliged to talk of the accident that lately 
befell you in Carolina, where some of our warriors, by 
the instigation of the evil spirit, struck their hatchet into 
our own body alike, and what was done we utterly abhor 
as a thing done by the evil spirit himself. We never 
expected any of our people would ever do so to our 
brethren. We, therefore, remove our hatchet, which, 
by the influence of the evil spirit, was struck into your 
body, and we desire that our brethren, the Governor of 
New York and Onas, may use their utmost endeavors 
that the thing may be buried in the bottomless pit, that 
it may never be seen again — that the chain of friend- 
ship, which is of so long standing, may be preserved, 
bright and unhurt." Gave a belt. The speaker then 
took up a string of wampum, mostly black, and said : 
" Brethren, as we have removed our hatchet out of your 
body, or, properly speaking, out of our own, we now 
desire that the air may be cleared up again and the 
wound made may be healed, and everything put in good 
understanding, as it was before, and we desire you will 
assist us to make up everything with the Governor of 
Carolina. The man that has been brought as a prisoner, 
we now deliver up to you ; he is yours (laid down the 
string, and took the prisoner by the hand and delivered 
him to me.)" By way of discourse the speaker said : 
"The Six Nation warriors often meet Englishmen trad- 



CONRAD WEISER. 309 

ing to the Cawtabaws, and often found that the Eng- 
lishmen betrayed them to their enemy, and some of the 
English traders had been spoken to by the Indian 
speaker last year in the Cherokees' country and were 
told not to do so ; that the speaker and many others of 
the Six Nations had been afraid a long time that such a 
thing would be done by some of their warriors at one 
time or other.'' 

13th. Had a Council with the Senecas and Ononda- 
gas about the Wondats, to receive them into our union. 
I gave a large belt of wampum, and the Indians gave 
two, and everything was agreed upon about what should 
be said to the Wondats. The same evening a full 
Council was appointed and met accordingly, and a speech 
was made to the Wondats by Asserhartur, a Seneca, as 
follows : 

" Brethren, the lonontady Hagas — Last spring you 
sent this belt of wampum to us (having the belt then in 
his hand), to desire us and our brethren, the Shawnese, 
and our cousins, the Delawares, to come and meet you 
in your retreat from the French, and we accordingly 
came to your assistance and brought you here and re- 
ceived you as our own flesh. We desire you will think 
you now join us, and our brethren, the English, and 
you to become one people with us." Then he laid that 
belt by and gave them a very large string of wampum. 

The speaker took up the belt I gave, and said : 

"Brethren — The English, our brothers, bid you wel- 
come and are glad you escaped out of captivity alike. You 
have been kept as slaves by Onontio, notwithstanding 
he called you all along his children ; but now you have 
broken the rope wherewith you have been tied, and be- 



310 THE LIFE OF 

come freemen, and we, the United Six Nations, receive 
you to our Council fire, and make you members thereof, 
and we will secure your dwelling place to you against 
all manner of danger." Gave the belt. 

"Brethren — We, the Six United Nations, and all 
our Indian allies, with our brethren, the English, look 
upon you as our children, though you are our brethren. 
We desire you will give no ear to the evil spirit that 
spreads lies and wickedness. Let your mind be easy and 
clear, and be of the same mind with us, whatever you 
may hear. Nothing shall befall you but what of neces- 
sity must befall us at the same time. 

"Brethren — We are extremely pleased to see you 
here, as it happened just at the same time when our 
brother Onas is with us. We jointly, by this belt of 
wampum, embrace you about your middle, and desire 
you to be strong in your minds and hearts. Let nothing 
alter your minds, but live and die with us." Gave a 
belt. The Council broke up. 

14th. A full Council was summoned and everything 
repeated by me to all the Indians of what passed in 
Lancaster at the last Treaty with the Twightwees. 

The news was confirmed by a belt of wampum from 
the Six Nations, that the French had imprisoned some 
of the Six Nations' Deputies, and 30 of the Wondats, 
including women and children. The Indians that were 
sent to meet our people with the goods, came back and 
did not see anything of them, but they had been no fur- 
ther than the old Shawnese town. 

1 5th . I left the Indians know that I would deliver 
my message to-morrow, and the goods I had, and that 
they must send Deputies with me on my returning 



CONRAD WEISER. 311 

homewards, and wherever we should meet the rest of 
goods, I would send them to them, if tliey were not 
taken by the enemy, to which they agreed. 

The same day the Delawares made a speech to me 
and presented a beaver coat and a string of wampum, 
and said : ^' We let the President and Council of Phila- 
delphia know that after the death of our chief man, 
Olumapies, our grand-children, the Shawnese, came to 
our own town to condole with us over the lass of our 
good King, your brother, and they wiped off our tears 
and comforted our minds, and as the Delawares are the 
same people with the Pennsylvanians, and born in one 
and the same country, we give some of the presents our 
grand-children gave us to the President and Council of 
Philadelphia, because the death of their good friend and 
brother must have affected them as well as us.'^ 

Gave the beaver coat and a string of wampum. 

The same day the Wondats sent for me and Andrew, 
and presented us with seven beaver skins of about ten 
pounds' weight, and said they gave us that to buy some 
refreshments for us after our arrival in Pennsylvania, 
wished we might get home safe, and lifted up their 
hands and said they would pray God to protect us and 
guide us the way home. 1 desired to know their names. 
They behaved like people of good sense and sincerity. 
The most of them were gray-headed. Their names are 
as follows : 

Totorhihiades, Wanduny, 

Taganayesy, Taruchiorus, 

Sonachqua, their speaker. 

The Chiefs of the Dela\Mires that made the above 
speech are Shawanasson and Achamanatainu. 



312 THE LIFE OF 

16th. 1 made answer to the Delawares, and said : 

"Brethren, the Delawares : 

" It is true what you said, that tlie people of Penn- 
sylvania are your brethren and countrymen. We are 
well pleased of what your children, the Shawnese, did 
to you. This is the first time we had public notice 
given us of the death of our good friend and brother 
Olumapies.^ I take this opportunity to remove the re- 
mainder of your troubles from your hearts, to enable 
you to attend in Council at the ensuing Treaty, and I 
assure you that the President and Council of Pennsylva- 
nia condoles with you over the loss of your King, our 
good friend and brother." 

Gave them five strouds. 

The two aforesaid Chiefs gave a string of wampum, 
and desired me to let their brethren, the President and 
Council, kriow they intended a journey next spring to 
Philadelphia to consult with their brethren over some 
affairs of moment, since they are now like orphan chil- 
dren. They hoped their brethren would let them have 
their good advice and assistance, as the people of Penn- 
sylvania and the Delawares were like one family. 

The same day the rest of the goods arrived. The 
men said^thcy had nine days rain and the creeks rose, 
and that they had been obliged to send a sick man back 
from Frankstown to the inhabitants, with another to at- 
tend him. 

The neighboring Indians being sent for again, the 
Council was appointed to meet to-morrow. It rained 
again. 

17th. It rained very haii'd, but in the afternoon it 
held up for about three hours. The Deputies of the 



CONRAD WEISER. 313 

several Nations met in Council, and 1 delivered them 
what I had to say from the President and Council of 
Pennsylvania by Andrew Montour : 

'^Brethren, you that live on the Ohio : 

" I am sent to you by the President and Council of 
Pennsylvania, and am now going to speak to you in 
their behalf. I desire you will take notice and hear 
what I shall say/' 

Gave a string of wampum. 

''Brethren : 

"Some of you have been in Philadelphia last fall 
and acquainted us that you had taken up the English 
hatchet, and that you had already made use of it against 
the French, and that the French had very hard heads, 
and your country afforded nothing but sticks and hick- 
ories, which was not sufficient to break them. You de- 
sired your brethren would assist you with some weapons 
sufficient to do it. Your brethren, the President and 
Council, promised you then, to send something to you 
next spring by Tarachawagon, but as some other affiiirs 
prevented his journey to Ohio, you received a supply by 
George Croghan, sent you by your said brethren. But, 
before George Croghan came back from Ohio, news came 
from over the great Lake that the King @f Great Britain 
and the French King had agreed upon a cessation of 
arms for six months, and that a peace was very likely 
to follow. Your brethren, the President and Council, 
were then in a manner at a loss what to do. It did not 
become them to act contrary to the command of the 
King, and it was out of their power to encourage you in 
the war against the French ; but as your brethren never 
missed fulfdling their promises, they have, upon second 



314 THE LIFE OF 

consideration, thought proper to turn the intended sup- 
ply into a civil and brotherly present, and have accord- 
ingly sent me with it, and here are the goods before 
your eyes, which I have, by your brother's order, di- 
vided into five shares and laid in five different heaps, 
one heap whereof your brother Assaryquoa sent to you 
to remember his friendship and unity with you ; and as 
you are all of the same Nations, with whom we, the 
English, have been in league of friendship, nothing need 
be said more than this, that the President and Council 
and Assaryquoa have sent you this present to serve to 
strengthen the chain of friendship between us, the Eng- 
lish, and the several Nations of Indians to which you 
belong. A French peace is a very uncertain one. They 
keep it no longer than their interest permits, then they 
break it without provocation given them. The French 
King's people have been almost starved in old France 
for want of provisions, which made them wish and seek 
for peace ; but our wise people are of opinion that after 
their bellies are full, they will quarrel again and raise a 
war. All Nations in Europe know that their friendship 
is mixed with poison, and many that trusted too. much 
on their friendship, have been ruined. 

"I now conclude and say that we, the English, are 
your true brethren at all events, in token whereof re- 
ceive this present.'' The goods being then uncovered, I 
proceeded. 

" Brethren : 

" You have of late settled on the river Ohio for the 
sake of hunting, and our traders followed you for the 
sake of hunting, too. You have invited them your- 
selves. Your brethren, the President and Council, de- 



CONRAD WEISER. 315 

sire you will look upon them as your brethren and see 
that they have justice done. Some of your young men 
have robbed our traders, but you will be so honest as to 
compel them to make satisfaction. You are now become 
a people of note, and are grown very numerous of late 
years, and there are, no doubt, some wise men among you. 
It therefore becomes you to act the part of wise men, 
and for the future be more regular than you have been 
for some years past, when only a few young hunters 
lived here.^' 

Gave a belt. 

" Brethren : 

^^ You have of late made frequent complaints against 
the traders bringing so much rum to your towns, and 
desired it might be stopped ; and your brethren, the 
President and Council, made an Act accordingly and put 
a stop to it, and no trader was to bring any rum or 
strong liquors to your towns. I have the Act here with 
me and shall explain it to you before I leave you. But 
I think it is out of your brethren's power to stop it en- 
tirely. You send down your own skins by the traders 
to buy rum for you. You go yourselves and fetch horse 
loads of strong liquor. But the other day an Indian 
came to this town, out of Maryland, with three horse 
loads of liquor, so that it appears you love it so well 
that you cannot be without it. You know very well 
that the country near the endless mountain affords strong 
liquor, and the moment that the traders buy it, they are 
gone out of the inhabitants and are traveling to this 
place without being discovered. Besides this, you never 
agree about it — one will have it, the other won't (though 
very few), and a third says he will have it cheaper. 



316 THE LIFE OF 

This last, we believe, is spoken from your hearts (here 
they laughed.) Your brethren, therefore, have ordered 

that every of whisky shall be sold to you for five 

bucks in your town, and if a trader offers to sell whisky 
to you, and will not let you have it at that price, you 
may take it from him and drink it for nothing/' 

Gave a belt. 

^' Brethren : 

" Here is one of the traders, who you know to be a 
very sober and honest man. He has been robbed of the 
value of 300 bucks, and you all know by whom. Let, 
therefore, satisfaction be made to the trader.'' 

Gave a string of wampum. 

^' Brethren, I have no more to say." 

I delivered the goods to them, having first divided 
them into five shares — a share to the Senecas, another to 
the Cayugas, Oneidas, the Onondagas and Mohawks, 
another to the Delawares, another to the Owendaets, 
Tisagechroanu and Mohickons, and the other to the 
Shawnese. 

The Indians signified great satisfaction anc^were well 
pleased with the cessation of arms. The rainy weather 
hastened them away with the goods into the houses. 

18th. The speech was delivered to the Delawaras in 
their own language, and also to the Shawnese in their's, 
by Andrew Montour, in the presence of tlie gentlemen 
that accompanied me. I acquainted the Indians I was 
determined to leave them to-morrow and return home- 
wards. 

19th. Scaiohady, Tannghrishon, Oniadagarehra, with 
a few more, came to my lodging and spoke as follows : 

^' Brother Onas : 

" We desire you will hear what we are going to say 



CONRAD WEISER. 317 

io behalf of all the Indians on the Ohio. Their Depu- 
ties have sent us to you. 

" We have heard what you have said to us, and we 
return you many thanks for your kindness in informing 
us of what passed between the King of Great Britain 
and the French King, and in particular we return you 
many thanks for the large presents. The same we do 
to our brother Assaryquoa, who joined our brother Onas 
in making us a present. Our brethren have, indeed, 
tied our hearts to their's. We, at present, can but re- 
turn thanks with an empty hand till another opportunity 
serves to do it sufficiently. We must call a great Coun- 
cil and do everything regular. In the meantime look 
upon us as your true brothers. 

"Brother: 

"You said the other day, in Council, if anything be- 
fell us from the French, we must let you know of it. 
We will let you know if we hear anything from the 
French, be it against us or yourself. You will have 
peace, but it^s most certain that the Six Nations and 
their allies are upon the point of declaring war against 
the French. Let us keep up true correspondence and 
always hear of one another.^' 

They gave a belt. 

Scaiohady aad the half King, with two others, had 
informed me that they often must send messengers to 
Indian towns and Nations, and had nothing in their 
Council bag, as they were new beginners, either to 
recompense a messenger or to get Wampum to do the 
business, and begged I would assist them with some- 
thing. I had saved a piece of stroud, a half barrel of 
powder, 100 pounds of lead, 10 shirts, 6 knives and 1 



318 THE LIFE OF 

pound of vermilion, and gave it to them for the afore- 
said use. They returned many thanks and were mightily 
pleased. 

The same day I set out for Pennsylvania, in rainy 
weather, and arrived at George Croghan's on the 28th 
instant. 

CONRAD WEISER. 

Pennsbury, September 29, 1748. 



NO. VII. 

Report of His Journey to Onondago. 

In 1750, August 15th, I set out in the afternoon 
from my house in Heidelberg and came to Reading, on 
the Schuylkill, that day, 14 miles. 

16. Came to Henry Sassaman in Maxatawny, 20 
miles. 

17. Came to Nazareth, 27 miles. 

18. To Nicholas Depue, in Smithfield, on the Dela- 
ware, 30 miles. 

19. To Henry Cortrecht, at Minissinks, 25 miles. 

20. To Emanuel Pachal, 35 miles. 

21. To Kingston, 44 miles. 

22. Rained all day — lay by. 

23. Crossed Hudson river for the sake of a better 
road. Rain continued. Came to Reinbeck, 10 miles. 

24. Came to the Manor of Livingstone, 18 miles. 

25. Came to Albany, 44 miles. 

26. Lay still, being Sunday. Met Henry Peters 
and Nickas, two Chiefs of the Mohawks, with eight 
more of that Nation. The said Nickas and two more of 



CONRAD WEISER. 319 

that company that came from Canada but a few days 
ago, where they had remained prisoners till now, com- 
plained of hard usage by the French, because they had 
served the English against the French in the late war, 
contrary to a league of friendship subsisting between the 
French and the Six Nations. I spent the evening with 
them in a public house and treated them with several 
bottles of wine. 

August 27. Spent the forenoon with the said Indi- 
ans, and conferred with them a))out my journey to Onon- 
dago. They told me that the Onondagas were most all 
in the English interest and had accepted of the French 
religion, and that Colonel William Johnson had a com- 
mission from the Governor of Carolina, but named As- 
saryquoa to bring about a peace between the Six Nations 
and the Cawtabaws, and had actually made propositions 
to the Six Nations about the affair. Henry told me 
privately that he did not believe Col. Johnson could 
bring the thing about; but if the Governor of Carolina 
would make him, Henry, a handsome present, or pay 
him well for his trouble, he could bring about a peace 
between the Six Nations and the Cawtabaws. He 
thought that I had that in commission and to invite the 
Six Nation Chiefs to come to Virginia to make a peace 
with the Cawtabaws. In the afternoon I left Albany 
and came to Hordman's Creek, 10 miles. 

28. Came to Huntersfield, otherwise called Schocha- 
ry, 26 miles. 

29. Took a ride to a small Mohawk Indian town, 
about 8 miles southward, and conferred with the Indians 
there, they being my old acquaintances, as I had lived 
from the year 1714 till the year 1729 within two miles 



320 THE LIFE OF 

of their towa ; they were very glad to see me, and ac- 
quainted me with everything I desired to know of them, 
and told me of the bad circumstances with the Six Na- 
tions, and that the Onondagas, Cayugas and Senecas 
were turned Frenchmen, and that some of the Oneidas 
inclined that way, and that they abused the Mohawks 
and used them ill for being true to the English ; that 
the Indian affairs lay neglected and nobody minded 
them, and that since the peace with the French, the Go- 
vernor of New York never spoke to the Indians nor 
offered them anything, and that the Mohawks themselves 
who had fought against the French with the loss of 
much blood, received no thanks for their good service. 

The 30th was spent with my old friends and acquain- 
tances at the aforesaid place. 

The 31st I set out through the woods for the Mo- 
hawk's country ; it rained for the most part of the day, 
and having but a very blind Indian path, was lost, but 
accidentally met two Indians, who accom])anied me to 
the Mohawk country, where we arrived about an hour 
after dark ; came that day about 25 miles. 

Sept. 1. Had a conference with some of the Chiefs 
of the Mohawks that live near Fort Hunter, among 
whom were Brand and Seth ; they wanted to know what 
the Governor of Virginia had to say to the Six Nations 
of Indians, whether it was anything about the Cawta- 
baws. I told them I was sure that the invitation was in 
consequence of the Treaty of Lancaster held six years 
ago ; that according to that Treaty the Government of 
Virginia had recommended the case of the Six Nations 
to the King of Great Britain, and that accordingly the 
King had sent a fine and large present to be given to the 



CONRAD WETSER. 321 

Six Nations, i^fter several other discourses, I went to 
Colonel William Johnson, about three miles from Fort 
Hunter, where I arrived about eleven o'clock, before 
noon, and was kindly received and hospitably enter- 
\ tained by the Colonel. He is the only and sole Com- 
missioner of Indian Affairs in that Government. I 
staid twenty-four hours with him, and acquainted him 
with my business at Onondago. We had a great deal 
of discourse about Indian affairs. He showed me, among 
other papers relating to Indian affairs, a copy of a letter 
the Governor of South Carolina wrote to the Governor 
of New York, wherein the Governor of New York was 
desired to bring about a peace between the Six Nations 
and the Cawtabaws, which affair the Governor of New 
York had left to Colonel Johnson, who told me that he 
had already begun his negotiation and was in hopes to 
succeed, the Mohawks having promised him their as- 
sistance ; that he had undertaken to bring five, six or 
ten of the Cawtabaws to the Mohawk country or Fort 
Hunter, to speak to the Mohawks first and to obtain 
their safeguard or protection to travel through the 
United Nations to Onondago. We both agreed that it 
was best for me not to say anything about the Cawta- 
baws, because he had made, as is to be hoped, a good be- 
ginning. 

2. About ten o'clock I left Colonel Johnson's and 
came to Cana Johary, to Barthol Pickert, 25 miles. My 
horse got lame this day. 

3. Came to Nicholas Pickert, about 8 miles, my 
horse very lame. Was obliged to leave him and hire 
another, and a man to guide us in the road to Onondago. 

4. Came no further than Burnet's Field, where we 

21 



322 THE LIFE OF 

got our horses shod, and bought some provisions to carry 
through the wilderness to Onondago, 18 miles. 

5. Came to George Cost, the last settlement of white 
people on the Mohawk river. Was obliged to leave the 
other horse I brought from Pennsylvania, and hired an- 
other. Staid all night. Traveled but 12 miles. 

6. Set out from George Cost's by sunrise. Came, 
after eleven hours' ride, to Oneida, about 35 miles. It 
being but a very blind Indian path and many mud holes 
to pass, we arrived a little before dark, in rainy weather. 
The Oneida Indians being all at home, they called a 
Council. 

7. The Council met and left me know that if I had 
anything to say to them, they were ready to hear me. I 
went to the house where they met, with the messenger 
that came for me, and acquainted them with what I had 
in charge from the Governor of Virginia, and desired 
them to send their Deputies with me to Onondago, to 
meet the Council of the Six United Nations, which they 
agreed to do. I desired them to send a messenger be- 
fore me to Onondago, to acquaint the Onondagas of my 
coming with a message from their brother Assaryquoa, 
and that I desired they might kindle their Council fire. 
I gave a string of wampum to the messenger that went 
to Onondago, to be sent to the Cayugas and Senecas. 
The messenger set off immediately. The Oneidas de- 
sired me to spend that day with them, and said as the 
message was gone, I had time enough. The Council 
could not meet in less than six or seven days. I agreed 
to stay with them. The whole day was spent with some 
of their Chiefs discoursing about State affairs. They 
told me they had heard of my coming some days ago, 



CONRAD WEISER. 323 

and were told that I came to invite the Indians to Vir- 
ginia, to treat with the Cawtabaws about a peace, under 
the protection of Assaryquoa. I told them I had noth- 
ing to say about the Cawtabaws, and that the Governor 
of Virginia had other affairs to speak with them given 
him in charge by the King of Great Britain, concerning 
the chain of friendship between the English and the Six 
United Nations ; that I was well assured they would not 
see a Cawtabaw there at Fredericksburg ; perhaps some 
mention might be made of them, and perhaps not. They 
told me that their brethren, the English, had been 
hitherto deceived by the Cawtabaws, by looking on them 
as a people that sue for peace with the Six United Na- 
tions, but they know better. They (the Cawtabaws) 
had declared to the Tutulows and Cherokees they would 
never sue for a peace with the Six United Nations, that 
they would fight them whilst there was one of them 
alive, and that after their death their very bones shall 
fight the Six Nations, and that the Cawtabaws had mur- 
dered some of the friends of the Six Nations (the Tutu- 
lows and Cherokees) for offering their mediation to bring 
about a peace with the Six Nations, and that the Caw- 
tabaws spake with contempt of the Six Nations, so that 
they, the Oneidas, wished none of their brethren, the 
English Governors, would meddle with the affair. If 
the Cawtabaws do actually want a peace with the Six 
United Nations, let them follow the example of the 
Cherokees, and come to our frontier towns and sue for 
it, and they will obtain it on the same condition as the 
Cherokees did. I told them that I supposed the Caw- 
tabaws who would venture to come and sue for a peace, 
would be killed, because of the treachery they had been 



324 THE LIFE OF 

guilty of about twenty years ago. They answered that 
several of the Cherokees had been killed by the Allies of 
the Six Nations on their way to the Seneca country, 
when they first came to sue for a peace ; notwithstanding 
they proceeded on their journey and some arrived in the 
Seneca country, where they were safe and obtained their 
end ; that perhaps such a thing might happen to the 
Cawtabaws. By the way they could not help that, but 
after their arrival at some of the frontier towns, they 
should be saved. They scorned to murder them after 
their arrival, and if they could not agree with them, 
they would send them safe to their own country, and 
told them that they will send after them, to kill them 
in the Cawtabaw country. They, the Six Nations, were 
too great a people and had too much honor to kill the 
Deputies of their enemies in their towns. Among other 
discourses they told me they were sorry to acquaint me 
that a great part of the Onondagas had gone over to the 
French and accepted of the French religion, and had 
suflPered themselves to be misled by the French and the 
cunning of their Priests. They said it was by the neg- 
lect of the English and their ill management that ever 
since the peace the Governor of New York never spoke 
to them or gave them anything, while the French gave 
large presents to the Onondagas and others, in order to 
bring them over to the French. The Indians that 
served the English in the late war were not well used. 
Some stout warriors, who had the misfortune to be made 
prisoners, were not redeemed by the English till about 
a month ago, and were kept in irons in Canada all along 
and had hard usage ; that since they came home, nobody 
minded them ; that some had wives and children, and 



CONRAD WEISER. 325 

nobody took care of them whilst the husband or father 
was in prison in Canada; that the French had more 
charity for their Indians than the English had to their's ; 
they seemed to lament over the division of the Indians 
as well as over the division of white people. The head 
of the Oneidas, Disononto by name, a man of above 
seventy years of age, but yet strong and nimble, asked 
me several times whether I knew the reason of the Gov- 
ernor of New York and the great men of that Province 
(the Assembly) disagreeing. I told him I did not, and 
asked several other questions about public affairs that I 
could not answer. This Disononto fought under CoL 
Schyler when the Mohawk towns were burned and were 
taken captives by the French in the former century, and 
is a man of exceedingly great parts. I sat up with him 
in my lodging till almost midnight. 

8. I set out for Canachsoragy, a Tuscarora town, 
about 18 miles off, where I arrived after seven hours 
ride. Met a messenger from Onondago on the way, by 
which messenger the Onondagas did let me know that 
they were sorry to acquaint me that Canassatego, their 
Chief, died the night before last, and that in consequence 
thereof there could be no Council summoned, and they 
were sorry I came so far, because of the present melan- 
choly time. 

•N. B. It is to be known that the Six Nations don't 
meet in Council when they are in mourning, till some 
of their friends or neighbors wipe off their tears and 
comfort their hearts. It is a certain ceremony, and if 
they appear in Council without that ceremony being 
performed, the dead person was of no credit or esteem, 
and it is a certain affront to the deceased's friends, if he 
has any. 



326 THE LIFE OF 

About an hour after my arrival at Canachsoragy, 
another messenger arrived from Onondago, to let me 
know that notwithstanding the melancholy event that 
befell Onondago, the Council had upon a second thought 
resolved to hear me, because I came such a great way ; 
though contrary to their ancient custom, they desired I 
would proceed on my journey, and that a Council of the 
Six Nations was accordingly summoned. 

9. I set out from Canachsoragy and arrived after 
eight hours ride at Onondago. Took up my lodging, 
as usual, with Tohashwuchdioony, a house which stood 
now by itself, the rest of the Onondagas having moved 
over the Creek, some a mile, two miles, three miles off. 
Saristaquoah came to see me, so did Hatachsogo, two 
Chiefs. An old man and a member of the Council came 
with me from Canassoragy. He began to sing a lamen- 
tation song just w^hen we set out, to signify to me in an 
allegorical way that the town where I was going to, was 
no more inhabited by such good friends as formerly, and 
now more especially since the Word died, meaning Ca- 
nassatego, the evil spirits would reign and bring forth 
thorns and briars out of the earth ; his name is Gech- 
dachery, a brother of Soterwanachty, deceased ; at the 
resting place I treated him with a dram of good rum, 
and told him that nothing was certain in the world, and 
that the great Being that created the world, knew how 
to govern it, that I believed he would order everything 
well, to which he said Amen in his way. 

] 0. Saristaquoah came again to see me ; the rest of 
the Chiefs being in mourning, did not appear ; the In- 
dians seemed to be much affected by the death of Canas- 
satego, as they have lost several of their head men in a 



CONRAD WEISER. 327 

short time ; three noted men died on their journey to 
and from Philadelphia, to wit : Tocanihan, Caxhayion, 
and Soterwanachty, a Chief. 

1 1 . Nothing was done and no Deputies arrived. In 
my going up I was told by Mr. Livingstone, at his Ma- 
nor, and Colonel Johnson, in the Mohawk country, that 
the French had erected a new Fort at St. Lawrence 
river, at a place called Swegatsy, not far from the Lake 
Frontinac, for the Indians, and that a certain French 
Priest was there to instruct the Indians in the French 
religion, and that he clothed all the Indians that came 
to live there, and built houses and cleared land for them 
at his own or at the French King^s cost, and that one- 
half of the Onondagas had actually begun to live there. 
Of all this I Avas confirmed when I came to Onondago, 
by several creditable persons and by the Council of 
Onondago itself, with this addition, that the French 
Priest at Swegatsy had made about a hundred converts 
among the Onondagas, men, women and children, that 
came to live at Swegatsy last spring, and that the afore- 
said French Priest had clothed them all in very fine 
clothes, laced with silver and gold, and took them down 
and presented them to the French Governor at Mon- 
treal, who had received them very kindly and made 
them large presents. Several of the said converts came 
back to Onondago and drank away their fine clothes and 
reported that the French Priest at Swegatsy was not 
good and endeavored to make slaves of the Indians, 
notwithstanding his fine speeches he makes to the In- 
dians ; that in one of them he had told them Ononti- 
quoah, the French King, did look upon the Indians as 
his own children, and would take care that they should 



328 THE LIFE OF 

not want nor nobody should hurt them ; that he would 
appoint a great man as a guardian over him, whom he 
hoped his children, the Indians, would obey as their fa- 
ther Onontiquoah himself, in every respect, and that the 
new converts should not mind what the unconverted In- 
dians said in their foolish Council, that their father Onon- 
tiquoah would find everything for them and protect them 
against all nations, so that they had no need of an Indi- 
an government; this they interpret that the French 
want to make slaves of them, and in a mocking way tell 
one another, ' Go and get baptized again by your Father 
and bring home fine clothes that we may get some drink/ 
' No,' said another, still joking, ' he will be hanged now 
if he goes again'^-for fine clothes ; his Father is angry be- 
cause his holy water is of no force with the Indians f 
many such discourses I have heard, by which I saw 
plainly that they do not pay any respect to any religion, 
let it come from where it will, if they do not get drink 
by it. 

12. No Deputies arrived. I heard that Ontachsina, 
the French Interpreter, who resided in the Seneca 
country during the late war, was gone through the Sen- 
eca country on his way to Ohio, with merchant goods 
and five or six Frenchmen with him, and told the Sene- 
cas that he had orders from the Governor of Canada to 
drive away the English traders from Ohio with the as- 
sistance of the Indians. 

13. The Deputies of the Oneidas and Tuscaroras 
arrived, making in all five in number; the Cayugassent 
word that they could not come, so did the Senecas, the 
Cayugas having empowered the Oneidas to act in their 
behalf; the said Deputies and I went out in the bushes 



CONRAD WEISER. 329 

and had a Council by ourselves over the death of Canas- 
satego ; we agreed to condole with the Onondagas, and 
to comfort them and wipe off their tears in the usual 
way ; I gave a large string of wampum towards the ex- 
penses or for performing the ceremony ; the Oneidas and 
Tuscaroras did the same, and we nominated Ganachquay- 
ieson, a Chief of the Oneidas, to be speaker. About 
noon the Council of Onondago met, the Chiefs of the 
Onondagas now present being Tahashwuchdioony, Hat- 
achsogo, Gechdachery, and Ganodu, with about twenty 
others. Ganachquayieson opened the Council and desi- 
red to be heard as soon as the Council pleased ; he was 
answered that they were ready to hear him immediately. 
After a short pause he began to speak and directed his 
discourse to the Onondagas and said : 

" Father (so the Oneidas, Cayngas and Tuscaroras 
style or address the Onondagas, Senecas and Mohawks), 
we, your sons, the Oneidas, Cayugas and Tuscaroras, 
jointly with your brother Assaryquoa, entered your door 
in a very melancholy time, when your eyes were almost 
blind with the tears you shed, and when your heart is 
sorrowful to the highest degree for the death of that 
great man, our Word, who died but the other day (a 
dead man's name must not be mentioned among those 
people.) We, your sons and your brother before named, 
make bold to come near you, in order to comfort you in 
your trouble and to wipe off the tears from your eyes, 
and to clean your throat, to enable you to see about you 
and to speak out again ; we also clean the place where 
you sit from any deadly distemper that may remain on 
it, and might, perhaps, have been the occasion of the 
great man's death." Here the speaker gave a string of 



330 THE LIFE OF 

wampum of three rows in behalf of the Oneidas, Cayu- 
gas and Tuscaroras. I gave another of the same size, 
with a belt of wampum, to cover the grave of the de- 
ceased. After a short pause I desired to be heard, to 
which they answered they were ready to hear me. Then 
I said : ^'Brethren, the Six United Nations, to wit, To- 
garihoan, Sagosanagechteront, Dyionenhogaron, Neha- 
rontoquoah, Sanonowantowano and Tuscarora, I am 
sent to your Council fire by your brother Assaryquoa, 
and what I am going to say to you is according to his 
request." I gave a string of wampum, and proceeded. 
"Brethren, the Governor of Virginia desires^ that you 
will come to Fredericksburg, a town a little way from 
Cachwangarodon (Potomac), to a public Treaty, and 
to receive such presents as the King of Great Britain, 
your father, has ordered to be given to you by the Gov- 
ernor of Virginia, in consequence of the Treaty of Lan- 
caster held about six years ago." I gave a large string 
of wampum, and proceeded. " Brethren, the Governor 
of Virginia will kindle a Council lire at Fredericksburg 
in Virginia, where you may sit in safety as under the 
shadow of a great tree, as at your own fire at Onondago, 
to hear what your brother, the Governor of Virginia, 
will say to you by the direction of the King of Great 
Britain, your father. The things that will be said to 
you will be of importance and altogether for the good of 
the public, especially the Six United Nations, tend- 
ing to their preservation. For tlie confirmation of what 
I have now said to you, your brother Assaryquoa, the 
Governor of Virginia, giv^es you this belt of wampum." 
Here I gave a large belt of wampum. 

I concluded, and desired to have their answer that 



CONRAD WEISER. 331 

night, if possible. I was told that I should have their 
answer on the morrow. 

By sunset the Onondagas gave thanks for the con- 
dolement, and returned the compliment by a long ora- 
tion made by Tahashwuchdiony, and gave a string of 
wampum of three rows to the Oneidas, Cayugas and 
Tuscaroras, and one to me, and desired that we may yet 
be comforted over the death of the great man. 

15. The Indians being in Council all day, in the 
evening I was told by three of them that were sent to 
me, that I should have my answer at the Oneida's town 
on my return, which they hoped would be satisfactory. 

16. According to custom, I put out the present Coun- 
cil fire which was kindled by me and took my leave of 
the Onondagas, and came with the Deputies of the Onei- 
das and Tuscaroras to Canasoragy before night. Bought 
a quart of rum here for me and my companions to drink 
at six shillings, but the company being too great, I was 
obliged to buy two other quarts. 

17. Arrived by rainy weather at Oneida about two 
o'clock in the afternoon ; the Oneidas met immediately 
in Council and after about two hours' consultation by 
themselves, they sent for me and told me that they were 
ready to give me an answer, and desired me to hear ; I 
told them I was ready to hear. The speaker directed 
his discourse to the Governor of Virginia and said : 

" Brother Assaryquoa : We take your invitation very 
kindly, and return you our hearty thanks. We would 
be very glad to see you, but every time that we have 
been down with our brother Onas in Philadelphia, we 
lost so many men, and last year we lost t^'enty, among 
which number were several of our Chiefs ; the evil spir- 



332 THE LIFE OF 

its that dwell among the white people, are against us and 
kill us, and we are now in a manner like orphans ; all 
our great and wise men are dead, and as you live so 
much deeper within the settlements of the white people, 
the evil spirits must needs be more numerous, and of 
course will be more destructive to us. We, therefore, 
desire that you will move our Council fire to Albany^ 
and kindle it there, which can be but little or no trouble 
to you, since you have vessels to come by water, and at 
Albany we will gladly hear you and receive the presents 
sent by the Great King over the waters for the lands 
some of our former Deputies assigned to^you ; we desire 
that you will take our answer in good part and come to 
Albany to meet us at our Council fire there burning." 
The speaker gave me a large belt of w^ampum. 

" Brother Assaryquoa : The belt of wampum you 
gave us concerning your Council fire we will answer 
and exchange when we shall have the pleasure to see 
you in Albany. We will do all that is in our power 
to please you. Pray consider well our circumstances, 
and you will then do the just thing." The speaker gave 
another smaller string of wampum. 

After some pause I told them that I believed the 
Governor of Virginia could not come to Albany, and 
would, perhaps, give the presents to the Indians at Ohio, 
as the Ohio Indians were one and the same with the 
Six United Nations and of their own blood. They 
made answer that the Ohio Indians were but hunters, 
and no Councilors or chief men, and they had no right 
to receive presents that were due to the Six Nations, al- 
though they might expect to have a share, but that share 
they must receive from the Six Nations' Chief, under 
whom they belong. 



CONRAD WEISER. 333 

I took my leave and told them what I had said last 
was my own thought, and I would let their brother As- 
saryquoa know what had passed, as soon as I came home. 

18. Set out from Oneida ; came to George Cost af- 
ter sunset. 

19. Came to Burnet's Field in rainy weather, and 
on the 20th to the upper Castle of the Mohawks, called 
Canawadagy. The said Indians being from home when 
I went up, they now met and desired to know what 
passed at Onondago and what success I had. I in- 
formed them of everything, and told them that I found 
our brethren, the Six Nations, quite of another disposi- 
tion than formerly, and that I had the strongest reason 
to believe that their heart was turned from their brethren, 
the English. They answered that it was true what I 
had said — the French had too great an interest with the 
Onondagas, Cayugas and Senecas ; they complained of 
the ill management of the English in Indian affairs, and 
said that they were afraid to be cut off by aforesaid Na- 
tions, because they charge them, the Mohawks, to be 
slaves of the English. Several other complaints they 
had, but I could say nothing to them. 

I recommended John Picket, my sister's son, to them 
to learn the Mohawk tongue perfectly among them, to 
serve as Interpreter for Pennsylvania, &c., after I am 
grown old and no more able to travel ; they promised to 
do what they could ; the young man speaks their language 
tolerably well now, and can write and read English, 
Dutch and Indian. His father lives but a mile from 
Canawadagy, and has the best opportunity to learn the 
Indian language perfectly. 

21. Took my leave of them and took my route di- 



334 THE LIFE OF 

rectly towards Schoharie, or Hunter's Field, by a blind 
Indian path, and from the late mentioned place to Cats- 
kill, also by a small Indian path, a much nearer way 
than I went, and arrived at my house on the first day 
of October, in perfect health. 

P. S. The Chiefs of Onondago inquired what was 
done to the settlers on their land near Juniata Creek 
and thereabouts. I told them that the Governor of 
Pennsylvania had sent his Secretary to the spot with 
some Magistrates and Sheriffs to remove the settlers ; 
that accordingly the people were ordered to come away 
instantly ; some had resisted and taken up arms ; had 
their cabins burned after the goods were taken out by 
the people that came with the Secretary ; that some of 
the people were imprisoned ; that to all this I had been 
an eye witness ; that some that seemed to be good na- 
tured (upon their submission and supplication) had ob- 
tained liberty to gather in their small crops, but had 
promised to come away in the fall ; that some of the 
Shamokin Indians had been present all along and saw 
what was done. They signified their satisfaction to me, 
and told me they were very glad that their brother, the 
Governor of Pennsylvania, had taken notice of their 
complaint. 

They repeated over and over that the Indians on the 
Ohio had no right to sell any land about Pennsylvania, 
Maryland, Virginia, or Ohio, and that what share they 
might have a right to demand of the presents the Six 
United Nations received for the land, must be adjusted 
by the Chiefs of the said Nations ; that the Ohio In- 
dians lived on a gooc". hunting place and were in a man- 
ner only gone to hunt there, and their relations at home 



CONBAD WEISER. 335 

received hitherto their share of the consideration or 
presents for the lands. 

Onondago was thick with French Praying Indians 
when I was there. Eight or nine of them came to see 
me, and owned they came from Canada to see their 
friends at Onondago, and behaved very civil to me. 
I was told by Tahashronchdioony, the Chief, that all 
the belts of wampum belonging to the public from the 
several English Governors that remained unanswered at 
the death of Canassatego, and found in his possession, 
were by his orders burned with him. This the said 
Chief said to make Canassatego a thief after his death. 
Some imagine that his widow and family stole them. 

CONRAD WEISER. 

October 10, 1750. 



NO. VIII. 

Report of His Journey to Onondago, 1751. 

June 27, 1751. Arrived in Albany. The 30th fol- 
lowing the Indians arrived. Several of the Chiefs came 
to see me that very day, and all the Indians were im- 
patient to hear my message. On the 5th of July I went 
to his Excellency, the Governor of New York, to ask 
leave to deliver my message. I had not the honor to 
see his Excellency, but one Mr. Askew carried my re- 
quest to him, who brought back answer, to wit, that his 
Excellency must have it in writing, in order to lay it 
before the Council. I told Mr. Askew that I could say 
no more to the Indians than what was contained in my 
instructions. The Governor wanted to see them. I 



336 THE LIFE OF 

sent them immediately. After they were read in Coun- 
cil they were returned to me, and I was told that the 
Governor wanted to speak to me sometime in the after- 
noon. Accordingly, in the afternoon T was sent for. 
When I came to the Governor, Mr. Golding w^as with 
him. His Excellency was pleased to tell me that he 
wanted to speak to the Indians that morning, but they 
were somewhere else engaged — he did not know where. 
Then required me not to speak to the Indians before he 
had done with them, and that I must give him in wTit- 
ing what I would say to them. I made answer that I 
had it in charge not to speak to the Indians without his 
Excellency's approbation and foreknowledge, and had 
nothing else to say than what was contained in my in- 
structions (which I showed again), then in my hand. 
As for the Indians coming to see me, I could not lock 
up my door upon them. I did not care to offend them. 
His Excellency replied that he would not have me to 
offend the Indians, and so dismissed me for that time. 

July 9. Waited on his Excellency again, to obtain 
leave to deliver my message. Was told that as soon as 
the Cawtabaws had their answer, I should. 

July 10. His Excellency gave me leave to deliver 
my message. I acquainted the Indians accordingly, and 
they met me that evening at my lodging ; and as on 
such occasions some particular ceremonies are used, I 
employed Canachquaieson, an Oneida Chief, to perform 
them for me. He was but the other day employed by 
friend Stephans, an Interpreter for the New York Gov- 
ernment, on the same occasion. 

After most of the Indians met, Canachquaieson stood 
up and begged me to walk up and down the floor, and 



CONRAD WEISER. 337 

to sing lamentation songs in a very melancholy tune, 
which he continued until all were met, and some time 
after the song mention was made of the person or persons 
for whom he mourned, and their virtue praised. 

Then he told the Indians that the Governor of Penn- 
sylvania had sent Tarachowagon w^ith a message to the 
Six United Nations, which would now be delivered to 
them, and that what would be now said to them, were 
the very words of the Governor and the people of Penn- 
sylvania. A string of wampum was given. 

The speaker, Canachquaieson, being before informed 
of my whole message, I only repeated the beginning, and 
gave him a belt of wampum ; he then went on and said : 

" Brethren, the Six United Nations — The Governor 
of Pennsylvania was but last year informed of the death 
of several of the Chiefs of the Six United Nations, dying 
on their way homewards from Philadelphia, and of the 
death of Canassatego and Silgo Van Ackly, who both 
died since their arrival at their own town. 

"The Governor of Pennsylvania was very sorry to 
hear of the death of those his good friends and breth- 
ren, and has, therefore, sent Tarachowagon to the Coun- 
cil fire at Onondago with a present, to signify to the 
Council of the Six United Nations that himself and the 
people of Pennsylvania condole with them on the loss of 
such valuable persons, and has sent that present to wipe 
oif their tears." Eight pieces of strouds were laid before 
them, and a string of wampum given. A ])iece of strouds 
was delivered in particular (on the death of Canassatego) 
to the Onondagas. Item: Seven stroud matchcoats on 
the death of Cunjaquoa, a noted warrior among the Mo- 
hawks, killed by the French in the late war in his Ma- 
jesty^a service. 22 



338 THE LIFE OF 

Item: Six stroud matchcoats on the death of a son of 
Cayenquarachton, a Seneca Chief, who was killed after 
the same manner. 

Songs of lamentation were sung by Canachquaieson 
on the death of these two great warriors, who had made 
a sacritice of their lives for the common cause and in 
obedience to his Majesty, King George. 

The Indians appeared well pleased and looked upon 
the present as a large one on such an occasion. The In- 
dians had a consultation together for a good while about 
an answer. I understood they were at a loss ibr some 
skins to send as a present to the Governor of Pennsylva- 
nia to wipe off his and his people's tears over the death 
of Cnnassatego, and others. 1 gave them to understand 
that they need not stop for that at this time ; that I 
would excuse them in the best manner I could with the 
Governor and people of Pennsylvania, as I knew they 
had parted with what they had on other occasions ; and 
I gave them further to understand that at a certain hour 
that night I must go on board the only vessel that was 
left, and stayed on purpose to take me in by the time of 
high water, to which they consented. The Governor of 
New York, and his Council and other gentlemen, being 
all gone that afternoon. 

Then Abraham, a Mohawk Chief, stood up and re- 
turned thanks in the best manner he could, and said a 
great deal of the satisfaction this present gave them, and 
that they took it as a fresh token of the brotherly love 
of the Governor and people of Pennsylvania towards 
the Six United Nations ; and desired me to return 
thanks, in their behalf, to the Governor and people of 
Pennsylvania in the best manner I could, and gave a 
string of wampum. 



CONRAD WEISER. 339 

By another string of wampum he Haid, ''Brother 
Tarachowagon, we thank you for this visit. We will 
take care of your son. We look upon him as one of 
our own children. AVe will use our best endeavors to 
learn him to speak our language well. We are very 
glad you brought him to us as to your town. It shows 
that you retain the same love as you did formerly to us." 

The Indians expressed, in general, a good deal of 
satisfaction, and shook hands with Sammy Weiser and 
Daniel Clause, to signify to them that they received 
them kindly. So the business ended. 

CONRAD WEISER. 



NO. IX. 

His Journey to the Mohawk Country. 

July 24, 1 753. Set out from my house in Heidel- 
berg, Berks county. Arrived in Philadelphia. 

July 26. Waited on his Honor, the Governor, and 
received my instruction. 

July 28. Set out with the stage boat for Bordentown. 

Aug. 1. Arrived in New York early in the mern- 
ing. Being taken ill, I sent my son Sammy with one 
Henry Vanden Ham to Flushing on Long Island, to 
wait on Governor Clinton and deliver Governor Hamil- 
ton's letter to him. Governor Clinton being gone to 
the plains, they left the letter with his lady and returned 
the next day. 

Aug. 4. Went on board an Albany sloop, one Jacob 
Shunshack, Commander. 

Auir. 7. At five o'clock I arrived in Albany. Next 



340 THE LIFE OF 

dav, in the morning, delivered Governor Hamilton's 
letter to the Mayor, Mr. Sanders, who thought proper 
to call the Commissioners of Indian Affairs to meet at 
four o'clock in the afternoon, to concert measures to 
bring back the poor prisoners from Canada belonging to 
Pennsylvania, taken in January last on the waters of 
the Ohio, the said prisoners having written se\^eral let- 
ters praying his assistance for their relief, wdiich letters 
Mr. Sanders gave me to peruse. 

Accordingly, at four o'clock, the Commissioners met 
at the house of one Lottridge, and a French Indian 
Squaw was sent for, who had one of the prisoners, to 
wit, Jabez Evans, in her family, given to her instead of 
Degarihogan, her son or relation, who died two years 
ago. 

The Indian woman's name was Susanna, wife of one 
Thanyuchta. She was a noted woman, and none of the 
Indians of that country were in Albany but young lads. 
She being asked how it came that those poor people 
were taken prisoners in time of peace, she made answer 
that some of the Ca>)^hnawa<j:a warriors went to fio^ht the 
Oyadac'kuchraono, and happened to meet some of them 
at some distance from their country, accompanied by 
these white men, who, when they saw that the Cachna- 
wagas would or had a mind to kill or take the Oya- 
dackuchraono, they, the English, made resistance, and 
wounded one of their men with a musket ball in his 
arm, upon which they resolved to take the white people 
as well as the Indians, and brought them away to 
Canada, leaving their horses and things upon the spot ; 
and when they came to Canada, they presented the said 
prisouei-s to the Governor General, and told him how 



CONRAD WEfSER. 341 

things happened, and that the Governor made answer 
he would have nothing to do with those prisoners, upon 
which they, the Indians, took them to their towns, and 
three of them were given to an Indian living in Cach- 
nawaga, one to the Indians at Canassategy, and two 
were imprisoned at Quebec, for what reason she did not 
know. 

The Commissioners told the woman that they had 
received several letters from these poor prisoners pray- 
ing for relief (this very woman had brought one from 
Jabez Evans), and as they were taken in time of peace, 
they desired that they might be brought back again ; 
that the Commissioners would make reasonable satisfac- 
tion to those that had them in their houses and had used 
them kindly, if they would bring them over. The 
Commissioners sent a belt of wampum (which I did pro- 
vide) to the chief men of Caghnawaga, called Anuch- 
rakechty, to require his good office for the release of 
these prisoners, which the woman undertook faithfully 
to deliver. She being a very intelligent woman, I de- 
sired Mr. Sanders to give her a piece of eight to buy 
some bread for her return, which she received very 
thankfully. I served the Commissioners as Interpreter, 
because it was thought fit that my name should not be 
mentioned, for fear that the expectation of the Indians 
would rise too high. But the woman asked me where 
I lived, because I could talk their language so well. 
She wondered that I was never heard of I told her I 
lived at Schoharie, and traveled uj) and down among 
the Indians, and so forth. By way of discourse she in- 
formed that the conduct of those Indians that brought 
the English prisoners was not approved of at Cach- 



342 THE LIFE OF 

nawaga, and that the rest of the Indians were angry at 
those that took them, and in their drunkenness would 
call them old women and breaker of the peace, and that 
it was a shame to take people that had not offended and 
in time of peace — that it appeared plain to the Indians 
that those prisoners had done no harm. 

Aug. 9. Set out from Albany with a Schenectady 
wagon for the Mohawk country. 

Aug. 10. Stayed at Schenectady, it being a rainy 
day. Met Henry Peters, the Chief of the Mohawks (he 
that made so much noise in New York), on his way to 
Stockbridge, at the house of Arrant Stevens, the Provin- 
cial Interpreter, who I went to visit, and had some talk 
with him about Indian affairs. 

Aug. 11. Hired a man and two horses, to carry me 
to the Mohawk country, where I arrived the same day, 
and was kindly received by Colonel Johnson. 

Aug. 12. Abraham Canusta, another Chief of Cana- 
johary, arrived on his way to Albany. We went to- 
gether to the Mohawk Castle, to attend the public wor- 
ship with the Indians. I met some more of the Chiefs 
— gave them an invitation to come and see me at Col. 
Johnson^s, to have some talk together about the news 
now stirring abroad everywhere. 

Aug. 13. With a string of wampum, I delivered my 
message to the Chiefs of the Mohawks, to wit, Seth De- 
garihogan, Kanadakayon, Kenadochary and Kellian, in 
the presence of Col. Johnson. After about an hour's 
time they made answer (Kanadakayon, speaker) that 
they were in the same condition and labored under the 
same difficulties with their brethren, the English ; that 
all what they could say, was of hearsay, though from 



CX)NRAD WEISER. 343 

good authority, and that they believed it was too true, 
to wit : That the French passed Oswego with a very 
numerous army of men well armed, and some great guns, 
and gave it to understand to the Six Nations that they 
intend to take possession of their lands at 'the Ohio, 
which land they said did belong to them from old 
times, and that they would build strong houses at the 
carrying places, Jonasky, a carrying place, Attoniat, the 
middle of the carrying place, and at the Ohio, where 
they take water, and at Logstown, and so take possession 
quite down, till they met the French coming from be- 
low ; and that they would give warning once or twice 
to the English traders on the Ohio to remove. If they 
did, it was well ; otherwise they would strike them. 
The same they would do to the Shawnese, to remove or 
kill them. As to all the rest of the Indians, they would 
not meddle with them if they behaved well and sat still ; 
otherwise, if they disputed the French's right to the 
land, and would appear to be oifended with what the 
French were now doing, they, the French, would make 
use of their arms that they made use of from the be- 
ginning of timas ; that they still knew how to use them 
against the Indians as well as in former times, and 
feared nothing. 

That upon this the Senecas sent a message to their 
brother Colonel Johnson, to ask how long they had to 
live, and what was the intention of the French. They 
thought the Colonel must know, and begged earnestly 
to be informed how things were. That the Colonel sent 
three belts of wampum, to let them know that it was 
that what he often had told them, that if they did not 
stand upon their guard and would now suffer the French 



344 THE LIFE OF 

to take possession of Ohio or build strong houses any- 
where upon the Six Nations' land, it would be over 
with the Six Nations, and their union would signify 
nothing more. That they must now stand up and show 
that they are a people of note, or loose all, &c. This 
message was to go to Canayiahagy, as well as through 
the Six Nations, but the Senecas stopped it, and sent 
their own message, to let the Canayiahagons know that 
they must sit still, notwithstanding the French's ex- 
pedition. 

They desired that this, my message, might be de- 
livered to the Six Nations at Onondago, and further 
Kanadakyon said not. 

Had some hours talk with the before named Abra- 
ham, an'old acquaintance of mine, who is looked upon 
to be the most sincere Indian of that Nation. He told 
me by way of discourse that the Six Nations were afraid 
of the French, because they, the Indians, being so di- 
vided and the French Alliance among the Indians so 
strong, that the Six Nations could not prevent the 
French in their undertakings. That the English had 
lost ground among the Indians in the time of the last 
war. That although the English, their brethren, should 
supply them with ammunition and clothing, they could 
not resist the French without, a numerous body of Eng- 
lishmen that would and could fight. That the French 
were now about taking possession of Ohio, against the 
will of the Six Nations, but they could not resist. That 
he was well assured that us soon as the French had posses- 
sion of Ohio and built strong houses there, they would 
send their Indian Allies against the southern Indians in 
league with the English, to wit, the Cawtabaws, Chero- 



CONKAl) WKISER. 346 

kees, Cawldas, <fec., to enforce them, the said Indians, to 
sue for peace, and to acknowledge Onontio for their fa- 
ther, and so make himself master of all the Indians and 
their lands. 

I was told the same by Kanadakayon, another Chief 
of the Mohawks. 

Colonel Johnson showed me his commission and in- 
struction, which he had from the Governor of New York 
under the broad seal of that Government. I judged 
thereby that he did not want my company, because he 
never asked me to go with him, or proceed on my 
journey. I had told him before that I had set out from 
Philadelphia to go to Onondago by Governor Hamil- 
ton's order, but as he had such a commission (having 
been informed on the way), I thought my journey to 
Onondago would be needless. He said he left it to me, 
but I perceived some coolness in him as to my going. I 
thought it was best not to proceed any further at this 
time, but to return. 

The Colonel has been very kind to me, and enter- 
tained me and my son very handsomely during my stay, 
and was open and free in all discourses to me, and 
would have me to exchange now and then a letter with 
him ; and whenever I came to the Mohawk country to 
make his house my home, and offered to do all the ser- 
vice to the Province of Pennsylvania and myself that 
he possibly could in Indian affairs. 

Aug. 14. Took my leave of Colonel Johnson and 
arrived in Schenectady. 

Aug. 15. Arrived in Albany, where I was informed 
that a letter from his Excellency, Governor Clinton, to 
me was sent yesterday to Schenectady after me by one 



346 THE LIFE OF 

Thomas Orman, who happened to be the same person 
that brought me just then to Albany in his wagon. He 
was called to account for it immediately. He said that 
the letter must be in his coat pocket, which he left at 
home. He promised to bring it to Albany the next day, 
early in the morning. I told him I would not pay him 
till he brought the letter, but he did not bring it. It 
was judged that he lost it. 

Aug. 18. I left Albany. Arrived in New York on 
the 23d, in the night. 

Aug. 24. Waited on Edward Holland, one of the 
Council, to know whether Governor Clinton was ex- 
pected in town. He did not know. I went to wait on 
Mr. Kennedy for the same purpose, who told me that 
his Excellency was very ill, and he, Mr. Kennedy, 
would go to Flushing to-morrow to see him, and would 
inform his Excellency of my return from the Mohaw^k 
country, and that he would be back again the same day. 

Aug. 25. I waited on him again in the evening, but 
Mr. Kennedy told me that all the horses and chairs over 
the river were employed, and that he could get none, 
which prevented his going to Flushing. 

Auor. 26. Beinoj Sundav. 

Aug. 27. I went to Flushing, on Long Island, sev- 
enteen miles from New York, to wait on Governor Clin- 
ton. He happened to be from home, but came in by 
one o'clock. I paid him my compliments at his door. 
He called me in and asked me how far I had been, and 
signified to me that it was a wrong step in me to pro- 
ceed to Albany before I had his directions. I asked 
pardon and told him my reason why I proceeded. His 
Excellency said it was well. He did not disapprove so 



CONKAD WEISER. 347 

much of my proceeding as of my son not staying for an 
answer. His Excellency seemed well enough pleased 
with my return, and of my not proceeding to Onondago, 
and was pleased to tell me that he intended to be in New 
York next Wednesday, and would then have me to wait 
on him and take a letter to Governor Hamilton, and so 
dismissed me, but would have me to stay and eat a bit 
of victuals first ; he ordered his attendants accordingly 
to get it for me and my companion. After dinner I 
left Flushing and arrived in New York the same eve- 
ning. 

Aug. 29. His Excellency arrived in New York in 
the evening. 

Aug. 30. By seven o'clock a package of lettei*s, di- 
rected to Governor Hamilton, was sent to my lodging 
by one of Governor Clinton's attendants, who told my 
landlord (I being gone to take a walk and to inform 
myself if Governor Clinton came to town last night) 
that his Excellency, Governor Clinton, wished me a 
good journey to Pennsylvania, and desired to mention 
his compliments to Governor Hamilton and deliver that 
package of letters to him. I being not altogether pleased 
with this message, went about nine o'clock to the Gov- 
ernor's house in the Fort, and one Mr. Askew went up 
to tell the Governor that 1 wanted to see him and take 
my leave of him. Mr. Askew came down again and 
told me that the Governor sent his compliments to me 
and wished me a good journey to Philadelphia, and de- 
sired I would mention his compliments to Governor 
Hamilton. I left New York the same day, at twelve 
o'clock, and arrived in Philadelphia on the second day 
of September, at seven o'clock in the morning. 

CONRAD WEISER, Interpreter. 



348 THE LIFE OF 

P. S. Before I left Albany, I desired the favor of 
Mr. Ogilvic, the English Minister, an acquaintance of 
mine, that if Governor Clinton's letter to me directed 
should be sent back to Albany from Shenectady or the 
Mohawk country, to send it after me to New York or 
Philadelphia, which Mr. Ogilvie accordingly did, and it 
was delivered to my son by Alexander Golden, Deputy 
Post Master in New York. 

Dated in Philadelphia, Sept. 2, 1753. 



NO. X. 

Journal of His Proceedings at Aucquick. 

On the 24th of August, 1754, I receivetl the Gov- 
ernor's instructions. Left Philadelphia that evening, 
the weather being excessively hot. I arrived at my house 
in Heidelberg on the 27th, and rested on the 28th. The 
weather being altered, I sat out for Aucquick. 

Aug. 29. Left my house and arrived at James Gal- 
brath's that day. 

Aug. 30. Arrived early in the morning at John 
Harris' Ferry, and heard that the Half King had been 
arrived on the river about four days ago, and was now 
down the river at one Taafe's house. I sent my son 
down to him with a string of wampum, to invite him to 
come up to me, and accordingly he came within a few 
hours, and after some friendly discourses he agreed to 
set out with me next morning to Aucquick. He being 
a little in liquor, some gentlemen from Philadelphia 
met him at the said Taafe's, and were glad to see him 
and gave him plentiful of drink. 

Aug. 31. The Half King, according to appointment, 



CONRAD WEISER. 349 

carae early in the morning to see nie, and told nie what 
he knew of the last engagement of Major Washington 
and the French near Monongahcla ; and before we had 
our breakfast, some Indians halloed over the river, 
and soon after we saw it was Andrew Montour, Nicho- 
las Quebec and others; and by their coming I was 
obliged to stay till after dinner, in order to talk over 
measures about my message. They, the last mentioned, 
informed me that a great meeting was ap})ointed at Auc- 
quick, wherein the Indians from Ohio and those on the 
river Susquehanna would be present, and that the meet- 
ing would be about the 4th of September next. I de- 
sired Andrew Montour to accompany me to Aucquick ; 
so did the Half King. Towards evening we set off and 
got but to Tobias Hendricks. 

Sept. 1. I thought best to alter my route and not go 
along the great road, for some particular reasons ; took, 
therefore, the road to George Croghan's CajDe and Sheer- ^tJi 
man's Creek, and arrived that day at Andrew Mon- 
tour's, accompanied by himself, the Half King and an- 
other Indian, and my son. I found at Andrew Mon- ^ 
tour's about fifteen Indians — men, women and children 
— and more had been there, but were now gone. An- 
drew's wife had killed a sheep for them some days ago. 
She complained that they had done great damage to the 
Indian corn, which was now fit to roast ; and I found 
that there were most every day Indians of those that 
came from Ohio with some errand or another, who al- 
ways wanted some victuals in the bargain. I gave liim 
ten pounds of the Government's money. 

Sept. 2. We set out from Andrew Montour's with- I 
out any provisions, because he told me we should be at 



360 THE LIFE OF 

Aucquick before night. We rode six liuurs before noon 
and three hours after. Took up lodging in the woods. 

Sept. 3. We set out by six o'clock, and by eight we 
came to the Through Spring, by nine to the Shadow of 
Death, by eleven to the Black Log, and by twelve ar- 
rived at Aucquick. The Indians fired off many guns to 
make me welcome, according to their custom. By the 
way Tanacharisson, otherwise called the Half King, 
complained very much of the behavior of Colonel Wash- 
ington to him (though in a very moderate way, saying 
the Colonel was a good natured man, but had no expe- 
rience), saying that he took upon him to command the 
Indians as his slaves, and would have them every day 
upon the outscout and attack the enemy by themselves, 
and that he would by no means take advice from the 
Indians ; that he lay at one place from one full moon to 
the other and made no fortifications at all, but that little 
thing upon the meadow, where he thought the French 
would come up to him in open field ; that had he taken 
the Half King's advice and made such fortifications as 
the Half King advised him to make, he would certainly 
have beat the French off; that the French had acted as 
great cowards, and the English as fools in that engage- 
ment ; that he (the Half King) had carried off his wife 
and children, so did other Indians before the battle be- 
gan, because Colonel Washington would never listen to 
them, but always driving th.em on to fight by his direc- 
tions. 

I intended a meeting, but the Indians were before- 
hand with me, and came into the house, and, according 
to old custom, said : 

^^ Brother : We are glad to see you, and as you came 



CONRAD WEISER. 351 

a great way through the woods, we come to wash off the 
sweat from your face and the dust from out of your eyes, 
in order to make you look the clearer about you, and 
see us, your brethren, without anything between us. We 
also clear your throat, in order to make you speak freely 
to us in what you have, to say to us in behalf of the 
Governor of Pennsylvania, and clear your heart and 
mind from all prejudice whatsoever." They gave a 
string. 

This evenuig Mr. Croghan, at my request, desired 
the Shawnese and Delawares to repeat over to me every- 
thing what they said to him at their first arrival. Ac- 
cordingly on the 4th, early in the morning, the Shaw- 
nese and Delawares sent for me to their cabin, and spoke 
to me as follows (Wabadikisy, alias Little Johnny, as 
speaker) : 

^' Brother, the Governor of Pennsylvania : We heard 
at our own country so many flying stories, and among 
other things we heard that all our brethren that came 
away from Ohio first, were all killed by you. That was 
the reason of our coming here, to inquire and find out 
the truth of the matter, and of every other thing that 
passes. We give you this string of wampum to wipe off 
the tears from your eyes, to enable you to look clearly 
about you, and see your brethren and hear what they 
have to say." Here they had given a string. 

'• Brother, the Governor : I have now wiped off the 
tears from your eyes. I will now ease your heart and 
take away all the trouble of your thought, so that you 
may lay aside all prejudice and judge right." Here they 
had given a string. 

" Brother, the Governor of Pennsylvania and Vir- 



352 THE JAFE OF 

ginia : As a treaty held last fall between us, you desired 
U8 to be still and quiet, and mind nothing of anything 
whatever we should hear, and only mind and assist in 
Council afPaii*s. We have hitherto followed your ad- 
vice, and lest you may think we are in the French in- 
terest, because we were not engaged in the skirmish 
some of your people had with the French some time 
ago, we assure you, by this string of wamj)um, that 
we are still your friends and brethren, as we always have 
been, and acted agreeable to what you told us." Here 
they had given a string. 

Then the Delawares spoke by Dishickamy : '^ Brother, 
the Governor of Pennsylvania : We, your brethren, the 
Delawares, are one people with you and your old and 
first friends among the Indians. We undertook to 
recommend the speech our grand-children, the Shaw- 
nese, now made to you, to be the truth and a word that 
came from their hearts, so that you may believe them, 
which we hope and earnestly desire you will do, and 
this string of wampum is our letter of further assurance 
to you as from your old friends. 

^^ Brethren, the Governors of Pennsylvania and Vir- 
ginia : At our last Treaty you desired us to mind noth- 
ing but Council affiiirs ; and you desired us to keep up 
a good correspondence with all our Indian Allies, and 
to desire them to do the same till we should hear fur- 
ther. We let you know that we have followed your ad- 
vice, and have sent to all our Allies to the South and to 
the West, and informed them accordingly of your good 
advice, and they all acted accordingly and approved of 
your Council." 

The Shawnese again spoke : " Brethren, the Gov- 



CONRAD WEISER. 353 

ernors of Pennsylvania and Virginia : We thank you 
for your kind office in getting our people that were in 
prison in South Carolina, released and sent home to us, 
though one of them is dead (it was very unfortunate 
and a great pity that it happened to be Lawachkamicky, 
the bride), who was a noted man among the Shawnese, 
a great warrior and a true friend to the English. He 
is very much lamented by that Nation, and the Most 
High knows how he came to his end. We are content, 
and his death will by no means occasion a breach of 
friendship between us and you, and we have left all our 
Allies know the kindness you have done in procuring 
our people's liberty, and that they were safely sent home 
by you." Here ends the Shawnese speech. 

I bought some goods of Mr. Croghan to wipe off 
the tears from Lawachkamicky's friends and family, 
and to cover his grave according to Indian fashion. His 
brother was here present, and his brother-in-law, the 
young King. 

I condoled also with them in the name of this Gov- 
ernment over the death of the Shawnese Chief that died 
at Captain McKee's last month. His son was here 
present. The dead man's name was Kissakochquilla. 

The goods that I made use of, were as follows : Six 
strouds, four match-coats, six pair of stockings, two 
shirts, one ruffled shirt, 1,000 black wampum. The 
above goods were divided between the two deceased 
Chiefs' friends and relatives. 

About noon the same day I delivered the Governor's 
message to them, in the following manner : 

" Brethren, the Six United Nations, Shawnese and 
Delawares : I am sent up to you from the Governor of 
23 



364 THE LIFE OF 

Pennsylvania, and what I atn going to say to you, you 
must take as his own words. I, therefore, desire you 
will give ear to what I am going to say.'^ Gave a 
string. 

" Brethren : The Governor sent me expressly to ac- 
knowledge and thank you for your message by Mr. 
Croghan, and to bid you welcome to Aucquick, and 
shake hands with you in his behalf, and to inquire after 
your health and that of your families.^' Gave a string. 

'^ Brethren : You have done right to put yourself 
under the protection of this Province. We shall make 
all necessary provisions for you till the Government 
shall come to some determination respecting the present 
situation of affairs. 

"Brethren : Our present Governor's administration, 
agreeably to what has been some time ago fixed by him- 
self, draws to a period. A new Governor is appointed 
and soon expected. This renders it difficult for us to 
kno'v what to do. The Governor, who is your hearty 
friend, desires you will be quiet and remain where you 
are till the new Governor comes over ; and he will 
doubtless bring the King's order to us all, as concern- 
ing the expedition of the French and invasion on your 
lands. Make yourselves quiet and easy, and mind noth- 
ing but Council affairs till you see us first stir. Per- 
haps the new Governor may be now in Pennsylvania, 
then you will certainly hear what we will do against the 
French on the Ohio." Gave a belt. 

"Brethren : By my desiring you to stay here till 
the new Governor comes in, I don't mean that your 
young men shall not run to Ohio now and then to in- 
quire of our friends, the Indians, there how they do, 



CX)NflAl) WEISER. 355 

which we rather desire you will encourage, so that we 
may have news from our friends on the Ohio now and 
then, and also of the proceedings of the French." Gave 
a string. 

Here ended the present meeting. Soon after the 
Shawnese and Delawares, together with Tunacharisson 
and Scarroyady, came into Mr. Croghan's house, and 
the Beaver, a noted man of the Delawares, spoke to me 
to the following purport : 

" Brother, the Governor of Pennsylvania : You were 
pleased some time ago by this string of wampum (he 
showing the string) at the Treaty held in Lancaster, to 
clear up the road again to our town from yours, in or- 
der to renew the old friendly correspondence with us, 
and you removed all obstacles that from time to time 
had obstructed the same. You desired us that the string 
of wampum might be carried to Nowchikano and Kach- 
hawatchiky, our Chiefs, which was done accordingly ; 
and our said Chiefs and all our people agree to it very 
gladly, and desired us to let you know that we on our 
side did the same on our end of the road, and have re- 
moved everything that from time to time obstructed the 
same, and now came the said road to you ; and we as- 
sure you that it is clear on our side, and we will always 
keep it so, and nothing shall from henceforth obstruct 
it ; in confirmation whereof we give you this string of 
wampum." The speaker then took a belt of wampum 
in his hand and said : 

"Brother, the Governor of Pennsylvania: At the 
same time, by this belt of wampum, (he showing the 
belt), you assured us that you were our hearty friend, 
and nothing remained in your heart but good will and 



356 THE LIFE OF 

good wishes to us. You also desired us to keep fast 
hold to this belt and be true and hearty, and believe no 
flying stories, but advise with you on every oceasion. 
This, your belt, was carried to Nowchickano and Kach- 
kawatchiky, and was gladly received ; and we have it 
in charge, to thank you for your kindness and to put 
you in mind of it by this opportunity. We assure you 
that we have hitherto always followed your advice and 
held fast to this belt with all our strength, and we will 
do so for the future, and will charge our children and 
their children to follow our example and keep up a good 
understanding with you always, and we hope you will 
always look upon us as your good and true brethren. 
We earnestly desire it of you, because we know that our 
lives, the lives of our wives and children and those yet 
unborn, depend upon it.'^ Gave a belt. 

Note. — The string and belt that the speaker first took 
up are those that were given them by the Commissioners 
of this Province, at Lancaster, in the year 1748, and 
those that he now gave, are in exchange for them. 

Here ended the Shawnese speech. Then the Beaver, 
the speaker of the Delawares, stood up and directed his 
discourse to the Six Nations, and said : 

" Uncle : I still remember the time when you first 
conquered us and made women of us, and told us that 
you took us under your protection, and that we must 
not meddle with wars, but stay in the house and mind 
Council affairs. We have hitherto followed your di- 
rections and lived very easy under your protection, and 
no high wind did blow to make us uneasy. But now 
things seem to take another turn, and a high wind is 
rising. We desire you, therefore, Uncle, to have your 



cox HAP WETSER. 357 

eyes open and be watchful over us, your cousins, as you 
have always been heretofore/' Gave several strings of 
wampum. 

Then the same speaker directed his discourse to the 
Governor of Pennsylvania, and said ; 

"Brother, the Governor of Pennsylvania : By your 
speech just now made to us, you comforted our hearts 
and you removed all doubts and jealousy. It is, what 
you said to us, like the morning sun. We now see 
clear your kindness and good will to us and our allies. 
We will make it known to all. We are extremely 
pleased to hear you speak so sincerely and so agreeably 
to us. We thank you kindly for your good will." Gave 
a string. 

" Brother, the Governor of Pennsylvania : I must 
now go into the depth, and put you in mind of old his- 
tories and our first acquaintance with you, when AVilliam 
Penn first appeared in his ship on our lands. We 
looked in his face and judged him to be our brother, 
and gave liim a fast hold to tie his ship to ; and we told 
him that a powerful people called the Five United Na- 
tions had placed us here and established a fair and last- 
ing friendship with us, and that he, the saic^ William 
Penn, and his people shall be welcome to be one of us, and 
in the same union, to which he and his people agreed ; 
and we then erected an everlasting friendship with 
William Penn and his people, which we on our side as 
well as you have observed as much as possible to this 
day. We always looked upon you to be one flesh and 
body with us. We desire you will look upon us in the 
same light, and let that Treaty of friendship made by 
our forefothers on both sides subsist and be in force 



358 THE LIFE OF 

from generation to generation. Both our lives, our 
wives' and children's lives, and those as yet unborn, de- 
pend upon it. Pray, brother, consider well wliat we 
say, and let it be so." A large belt. 

By a little string of wampum, of black and white, 
they desired the Government of Pennsylvania would 
take no notice of anything that will be said to the con- 
trary, but believe that what they had said now, to be 
the truth from their hearts. 

Sept. 5. In the morning I answered the Shawnese's 
and the Delawares' first speech, in the following man- 
ner : 

" Brethren, the Shawnese : When you first came to 
Aucquick, you made a speech to Mr. Croghan, directed 
to the Government of Pennsylvania, by which you put 
the Governor in mind of what was said to you at the 
Treaty in Carlisle last fall, to wit, that you were desired 
to be quiet and still, and not meddle with anything con- 
cerning the present noise of the war, but only Council 
affairs, to strengthen yourselves in the best manner you 
could by keeping a good correspondence with your al- 
lies ; and you said you had complied with that advice, 
and had renewed friendship with your Indian allies, lest 
the Governor of Pennsylvania might think you were in 
the French interest, because you were not engaged with 
the English in the action against the French that hap- 
pened some time ago near the Ohio. You assured the 
Governor of Pennsylvania that you were, notwithstand- 
ing, a friend and brother to the English, as we have al- 
ways been, and that you acted according to their ad- 
vice. This is the substance of what you said. I have 
it in charge from the Governor of Pennsylvania to let 



CONRAD WEISER. 359 

you know that he approves of your proceedings, and de- 
sires you will always act agreeably to his advice in ev- 
erything, and in so doing you will do well." Gave a 
string. 

"Brethren, the Delawares: You have told us and 
put us in mind of the old Treaties of friendship suUsist- 
ing between us, and that you were one j)cople with us, 
and that you, therefore, recommend the speech made to 
us by your grand-children, the Shawnese, to be the 
truth and a word that came from their heart, so that we 
may believe them, which you earnestly desired by a 
string of wampum as a letter of recommendation from 
you, our old friends. 

" Brethren, the Dela wares : It is true you are one 
people with us, for you spring out of the same spot of 
ground with us, and are, therefore, our countrymen and 
older inhabitants than we are. As to your present 
habitation on the Ohio, we look upon as your hunting 
cabin only, for here is your mother country, and we look 
upon you as ourselves. We, therefore, take the recom- 
mendation well, and are glad that you and your grand- 
children, the Shawnese, are of one mind. We Ixjlieve 
that what they said came from the bottom of their hearts, 
and there remains no doubt with us. We thank you 
both for your kind speeches.'^ Gave a string. 

Then I took up the big belt the Delawares gave me 
yesterday, and said : 

"Brethren : By this belt you were pleased to put the 
Governor of Pennsylvania in mind of the first Treaties 
of friendship and acquaintance with the people of Penn- 
sylvania when the great William Penn first arrived on 
your land, and you repeated over what then passed be- 



360 THE LIFE OF 

tween your forefathers and the said William Penn and 
his people. I must tell you, brethren, that is too 
weighty a matter for me to give you an answer upon it, 
or to exchange the belt. I will, therefore, take it with 
me to Philadelphia and lay it before the Governor, and 
he will lay it before his Council and all the old and 
wise people of Pennsylvania. They only are able to 
consider this and make a suitable answer. I am too 
mean a man, and no way empowered nor capable to an- 
swer it, but can only say that I am very well pleased 
with what you said, and am glad to carry this belt to 
Philadelphia.'^ 

The Indians in general, as well as those of the Six 
Nations, as Delawares and Shawnese, appeared to be ex- 
tremely pleased with what I told them, and gave their 
approbation in the usual sound. 

Then Tanacharisson stood up and thanked the Dela- 
wares for their kind speech made yesterday to the Six 
Nations by their strings of wampum, and said that their 
speech would be sent to the Six Nations by a special 
messenger, where it ought to be. 

A Shawnese, named Danaluqueshon, in open Coun- 
cil signified his great satisfaction in this meeting, and 
said that this was a comfortable day to him and his 
people. 

On the same day Tanacharisson and Scarroyady 
came to consult with me, and advised to join with them, 
to desire the Shawnese and Delawares to stay here at 
Aucquick for some time longer, or at least so long till 
the new Governor was come in, to which I agreed in be- 
half of this Government, and I found the string of 
wampum, and Scarroyady made the speech, accordingly, 
to the Shawnese and Delawares this evening. 



CONRAD WEISER. 361 

Sept. 6. This day, at their own request, I informed 
them of what passed in Albany at the last Treaty, and 
of the purchase of the land that was made there. They 
seemed not to be very well pleased at first when they 
heard of it, because of such a large tract that the Six 
Nations had released to the Proprietaries of Pennsylva- 
nia ; but when they were informed of the New Eng- 
land people's design and the French taking the Ohio 
lands in possession, which they might look upon as lost 
to them, they were content, but would have been more 
so if they had received a part of the consideration. 

This evening I let them know that as now all public 
business was over, I would set off to-morrow morning. 
They, to wit, Tanacharisson and Scarroyady, desired me 
to stay longer with them, to discourse over some private 
affairs, as they had hitherto no time, to which I con- 
sented, but they got liquor that evening and all got 
drunk. However, 1 stayed, and in the afternoon Tan- 
acharisoon and Scarroyady got sober, and I learned 
from them in a private discourse, first, that the Senecas 
from time to time had sent messages by belts and strings 
of wampum to the Indians on the Ohio, to order them 
not to meddle with the French, neither in one way nor 
the other, but stand neutral and keep their ears and eyes 
towards the Six United Nations. 

Secondly. That the Twightwees had sent several of 
their head men this summer to the lower Shawnese town 
with a message, the purport whereof was as follows : 

" Brethren, the Shawnese : You know that the French 
have invaded our country on all sides. Why do you 
sit so still ? Why will you be slaves to the French, 
and suffer them to be masters of all the land and all the 



362 THE LIFE OF 

game ? Rise up and take the hatchet and follow our 
example. We have killed not long ago fifty French- 
men, all warriors ; and in one day five other Nations 
have joined us ; and if you and your grand-fathers, the 
Delawares, will but stir, the French will soon be forced 
to fly J' 

This article is confirmed by Moses, otherwise called 
the Song, Mohawk Indian, who was present at the de- 
livery of the message. To which the Shawnese made 
answer : 

" Brethren, the Twigh twees : We are surprised at 
your request. The Six United Nations have desired us 
to sit still and not mind the French, and that we must 
keep our ears and eyes to the Six United Nations, so do 
our grand-fathers, the Delawares. We desire you will 
spare us, and leave our town before the French hear of 
you and come and kill you here, and plunge us into the 
war before the Six United Nations begin it." 

The Twightw^ees, accordingly, went home in disgust, 
and Tanacharisson and Scarroyady are out of humor 
with the Shawnese for not consulting them about an an- 
swer to the Twightwees. 

The following article I was charged to keep to my- 
self, to wit : 

Thirdly. That they, to wit, Tanacharisson and Scar- 
royady, were creditably informed that the Mohawks, 
Oneidus and Tuscaroras would assist the English against 
the French as soon as the English gave proof of their 
being in earnest. 

Fourthly. Scarroyady is going to Oneida soon (it is 
his native country), to inform himself of the minds of 
the Six United Nations, and to use his endeavoi-s to 



COXRAD WEISER. 363 

bring them to side with tlic English against the French. 

Fifthly. I found that the Shawncse and Delawares 
are very strictly united together, and that the French 
made them large presents, desiring them to stand their 
friends or be neutral. They, the Shawjicse and Dela- 
wares, made them no answer at all, but sent tlicse men, 
about twelve in number, to sec their brethren, the Eng- 
lish (and I suppose to learn what they are about), and to 
renew their friendship with them. 

The names of the Indians' that were present in all 
the meetings I had with them arc as follows : 
Tanacharisson, Seneca Chief, Delawares. 

Scarroyady, Oneida Chief, The Beaver, 
Tokaswayeston, Seneca Chief, Delaware George, 
Seneca George, Chief, Dishickamy, 

Captain William, Seneca, Hickyjusku, 
Kanachjakanyjady, Seneca, Williamm Anderson, 
Sakojaduntha, Cayuga, Delaware Jack, 

Moses Contjochqua, Mohawk, John Moore, 
Aquogioda, Mohawk, And several others. 

Shawnese. 

Lapechkewe, the young King, 

Donylequeshoney, 

Wapatykeety, speaker, 

Kanjuchha (alias Penu), 

The Runner, 

Catousima, Cachkawatchiky's grand-child, and sev- 
eral othere. 

The white people that were present for the most 
were, besides myself and my son, 

Andrew Montour, Interpreter to the Delawares, 

George Croghan, ""^ 



364 THE LIFE OF 

Peter SHeffer, 
Hugh Crawford, 
Thomas Simpson, 
John Owen. 

"On the 8th, about ten o'clock, I left Aucquick, and 
came by way of James Dunning's and Carlisle, and ar- 
rived at ray house in Heidelberg on September 12, 1754. 

CONRAD WEISER. 



NO. XI. 

Journal of Proceedings to John Harris' Ferry, 

Jan. 29, 1756. Set out from my house with a hired 
man. Arrived at Harris' Ferry on the 30th, being 
rainy weather. Met the Indians that evening. Ac- 
quainted them that I was sent by the Governor of Penn- 
sylvania with a message to them. Next morning was 
appointed for me to deliver it, Aroas being not at home. 

Jan. 31. Early in the morning we met in the belt's 
cabin. There were present the belt, Garisdooney, Ja- 
grea, Newcastle. They desired me to repeat to them the 
speech the Governor made to them in Carlisle a few 
days ago, laying before me the two belts they received 
there from the Governor. I made answer that I could 
not depend upon my memory, and that I had no copies 
of those papers relating to it. They must excuse me till 
another opportunity. However, the principal heads 
they remembered. A messenger was immediately sent 
for Aroas, who arrived in a few hours after. I then de- 
livered the message from the Governor, with the addi- 
tion that I could not leave the place before I saw two 



CONRAD WEISER. 365 

of them set off. It was immediately agreed that Aroas 
{by us called Silver Heels) and David, a Mohawk In- 
dian, should prepare for the journey to Neskopecka, &c. 
Accordingly on the 2d of February, they set off in the 
morning, being rainy weather. They desired me to send 
John Davies and Thomas Grimes along with them over 
Peters' Hill to Robert Armstrong's place, the last set- 
tlement now, to conduct them safe, which I did. I also 
sent a string of wampum, all white, to Jonathan, John 
Shekallamy, and his brothers, to invite them to come to 
my house, if they could be found. Gave a written pass 
to Aroas and David, and ordered them to carry a silk 
handkerchief upon a stick on their return, and that only 
two should come before and keep the path. The old 
belt gave them a long lesson. They all looked very se- 
rious. Aroas said he would be back in ten days or in 
fifteen at the furthest ; if not, then we might think he 
was dead. So far as to the message. 

On the 31st of last month one James Young came 
over from Tobias Hendrick's and told me privately, in 
the presence of John Harris, that above fifteen men with 
arms came that day to Tobias Hendrick's, in order to 
come to this side of the river to kill the Indians at John 
Harris'. Judging them of being guilty or privy to the 
murder committed a few days ago in Sherman's Valley, 
and that he had much ado to stop them, he desired me 
to take all the care I possibly could. I thereupon sent 
a letter with said Young expressly to the Magistrates 
and the principal inhabitants in Carlisle, to desire them 
to caution the people of Cumberland against such im- 
prudent behavior, of which nothing but a general war 
wdth all the Indians could be the issue. A copy of 



366 THE lAFE OF 

their answer is hereunto annexed. I took for granted 
what they said, and sent immediately another express by 
James English and Jagrea (now called Satacaroyies) to 
bring the Indians that remained in Carlisle since the 
last Treaty, away to John Harris' Ferry, there to remain 
with the rest till the Governor's order should be known. 
I wrote to those gentlemen to hire a wagon for the In- 
dians, if needful. 

I thought it not prudent to inform the Indians of 
this aifair ; but several people that came from over the 
river, knew of it and the Indians came to hear of it. I 
had a good deal of trouble to quiet their minds. Sata- 
caroyies and Newcastle went to Michael Taef's that night 
and Newcastle got in the night light-headed ; he looked 
upon every person as an enemy, and would persuade 
Satacaroyies to run away with him. He himself made 
oiF privately next morning, and had not been heard of 
when I left John Harris', which was on the 2d instant, 
in the afternoon. Michael Taef and Satacaroyies de- 
clared before me that he had no liquor, and I am per- 
suaded Satacaroyies would not have come back so sober 
in the morning as he did, if they had had any liquor. I 
sent word all about to the people to take care of the said 
Newcastle, if he should be seen anywhere. He had no 
arms with him. 

I think it highly necessary that the said Indians 
should be taken care of deeper within the inhabitants ; 
for should they suffer by our foolish people, we should 
lose all confidence and honor with the rest of the In- 
dians. Submitted to his Honor, the Governor, his 
Council, and the Assembly, by their faithful Indian In- 
terpreter, CONRAD WEISER. 

Heidelberg, Feb. 4, 1756. 



CONRAD WEISER. 367 

NO. XII. ^^ 

Extract from a Journal at Easton. 

November 5, 1766. 

This afternoon Mr. Horsfield from Bethlehem came 
to Easton and informed Major Parsons and myself that 
the night before an Indian went privately from Easton 
to Bethlehem and informed Augustus, Joshua and anoth- 
er Indian there, that there were about 40 Indians at and 
about Fort Allen ; that at Trout Creek there were about 
100 men, and their number increasing, who were of the 
Minisink tribe, and averse to a peace with the English. 
These had laid a design to come and attack Easton, while 
the Governor was there, and destroy both the white peo- 
ple and Teedyuscung with his party ; but that they had 
now laid that design aside and wait to see the end of the 
Treaty, and then they would come down in a body to 
attack and destroy Bethlehem, which would make them 
masters of the whole country. That they would be very 
careful to pass the Forts and the inhabitants without do- 
ing harm to any, lest they should alarm the people, who 
would fly to Bethlehem for shelter and so strengthen 
that place. 

Upon this news I sent an express to Lieut. Engell 
at Fort Franklin to come with a detachment of 20 men, 
including a Sergeant, with all possible speed to re-enforce 
the town guard during the time his Honor, the Gover- 
nor, should stay in Easton. The express went away at 
about 7 in the evening. 

I informed the Six Nation Indians, that were in 
town, of the news that Mr. Horsfield brought, in pri- 
vate conversation, and desired them to be open and 



368 THE LIFE OF 

honest, accordhig to what the Six Nations always were, 
their friends. They told me that two of their Indians 
would be here to-night. They had sent them to Fort 
Allen two days ago. Accordingly these Indians, with 
two more of the same tribe, came to town a little after 
dark. A white man, a soldier, escorted them. They 
came in a body to my lodging, and desired to have a 
conference with me. I made them welcome and signified 
to them that I should be glad to hear what good news 
they brought from Fort Allen and from over the moun- 
tain. One of them, to wit, son-in-law to French Mar- 
garet, took a string of wampum, which one of the others 
gave to him, and spoke to the following purport : 

" Brother : As to what you informed us this day 
about the Minisink Indians, we now assure you that it 
is but the singing of ugly birds, that naturally will raise 
their voices in the night, and there is no substance in it. 
We, therefore, desire you to take no notice of it. You 
remember what you told and advised us when you first 
came to this town, to wit, not to listen to such birds that 
usually let their voices be heard in the night. We 
assure you we took your advice in good part, so we de- 
sire you will take ours. We that are of the Six Nations 
are one flesh and blood with the English, and will die 
with them." Gave the string of wampum. 

Thea John Cooke came to me and gave me the 
names of the Six Nation Indians who are now in town, 
to wit : Rasyianuntha, Rayenlisery, Tanachdagan, Cay- 
incker, Nahochreany and John Cooke, Mohawks, and 
two Shawnese, to wit, Pileason and Passechgnon, sons 
of Chinunfuhonly. 

As we had assured the Indians that the Governor 



CONRAD WEISER. 369 

would be here to-day, he thought it necessary to acquaint 
them why he did not come, and tohl them that the same 
bad news that we had by Mr. Horsfield yesterday, had 
been carried to the Governor by some person from these 
parts, which he believed might be true, which occasioned 
him to stop ; and his Council being with him, they 
would not suffer him to proceed until he heard from us. 
Now, brethren, I am going to write to the Governor 
and desire your advice what we shall say to him. The 
Indians, after some consideration, answered that they 
desired that their brother, the Governor, should be in- 
formed that they came a great way and from time to 
time were advised not to come, for that they would be 
cut off when they come to Pennsylvania ; but, notwith- 
standing, they came along and did not believe those sto- 
ries, and they desire their brother, the brother, will not 
believe these reports ; they would assure him there is no 
truth in them, and they will live and die with him. 
And as he encouraged them not to believe the reports 
against the English, so they hoped he would not believe 
those reports against the Indians. 

CONRAD WEISER. 



NO. XIII. 

Journal of Proceedings at Fort Allen. 

Nov. 18, 1756. After I got all the Indians out of 
town with much trouble, I left the town about four 
o'clock in the afternoon, accompanied by the officers of 
the escort and Decdjoskon, Pompshire, Moses Deedamy, 
and two more Indians, on horseback. We reached 
24 



370 THE LIFE OF 

Bethlehem after dark, and after the soldiers and Indians 
were quartered at the public inn, this side of the creek, 
I gave Deedjoskon the slip in the dark, and he went 
along with the rest to the said inn. I stayed at Mr. 
Horsfield's, having acquainted the officers with my de- 
sign, and gave the necessary order beforehand. 

Nov. 1 9. The soldiers and Indians arose early and 
got ready to march. Deedjoskon could not get his wife 
away. She wanted to stay in Bethlehem, because of 
his debauched way of living. He took all the children 
but one from her. At the brethren's request I inter- 
ceded, and prevailed to go with her husband. We left 
Bethlehem by ten o'clock ; dined at one Hesse's (the In- 
dians and soldiers) upon cold beef and cider, Deedjoskon 
and four or five more with me. The Indians' account 
came to fifteen shillings and three pence, which I left 
unpaid. The landlord had other accounts of the same 
nature against the Province. We arrived that night at 
one Nicholas Opplinger's. 

Nov. 20.- After I had settled with the landlord, the 
Indians' account, which amounted to £1, 10s., lid., chiefly 
for cider, left it unpaid, this being the l?st place where 
they could get it ; we set off and arrived at Fort Allen 
by ten o'clock. Deedjoskon was very troublesome for 
drink, to treat the Indians that came to see him — I 
mean the Minisink Indians that had stayed about five 
miles beyond Fort Allen. They seemed to be very 
friendly ; but, notwithstanding, they appeared to be 
guilty of a great deal of mischief. Some of them could 
not look into my face. I found several among them 
that knew me. I committed thirty of them. They 
were well used, and took very gladly share of the present 



CONRAD WEISKR. 371 

which Deedjoskon divided, and made a beginninir this 
day. 

Nov. 21. The dividing of the goods was finished. 
The Minisink Indians wanted to set off'. They said 
that they have been too long away from their wives and 
children, and left nobody to hunt for them. I did all 
that I could to keep them, and got Captain Arndt to 
furnish them with some flour. Deedjoskon shared the 
rum with them that was left in the ten gallon cask, 
which was ordered them by the Commissioners to drink 
beyond Fort Allen, but there were only about five gal- 
lons left. Deedjoskon, on the way, was very trouble- 
some. He would treat the Indians, and I was by no 
means capable of dissuading him from it. So, after the 
Minisink Indians had their share, he would have a 
frolic with his company, till at last I gave the cask and 
all what was in, which was about three gallons, with 
the proviso that he must not come into the Fort that 
night, nor any of his Indians ; if they did, they must 
take what follows. If they should attempt to get into 
the Fort, to which he agreed, and away he went with 
the cask. I ordered a soldier to carry it down to their 
fire. About midnight he came back and desired to be 
let in, and it was found that he was alone. Orders were 
given to let him in, because his wife and children were 
in the Fort. He behaved well. After a while we were 
alarmed by one of the drunken Indians that offered to 
climb over the stoccadoes. I got on the platform and 
looked out of the port hole, and saw the Indian, and 
told him to be gone, else the sentry should fire upon 
him. He ran off as fast as he could, and cried, "D — n 
you all ; I value you not." But he got out of sight 
immediately, and we heard no more of him. 



372 THE LIFE OF 

Tokay i end isery was very sick when we left Easton. 
We brought him along in the wagon. I desired Mr. 
Otto, the doctor in Bethlehem, to come and see him. 
The doctor believed he would get the small-pox, and 
advised him to stay, but we could not prevail on him. 
When we came to Fort Allen he was most gone, but 
would not stay. His companions begged of me to get a 
horse for him to ride on, and they would return it in 
the spring. I could not refuse them any longer, they 
having requested three or four times. I bought a horse, 
saddle and bridie for him, for five peunds, and paid for 
it in the presence of Captain Arndt. After all, the sick 
man could not ride on horseback, so the Indians made a 
litter for four Indians to carry their luggage, but I be- 
lieve he will never see his own country again. 

A certain Indian, called Armstrong, had a rifle gun" 
taken or stolen from him in Easton — it is supposed by 
one of the prisoners to whom it first belonged. Vernon, 
the inn-keeper, promised him to make inquiry for it, 
and bring it after him. This was just at our leaving 
Easton, in my presence. Accordingly, Mr. Vernon 
came after us and overtook us at HessVbut brought no 
gun, and nothing was said of it to my knowledge. But 
when we came to Fort Allen, this Indian demanded a 
rifle gun of me, and said that Vernon told him that I 
had it in charge from the Governor to find it for him. 
I denied it utterly, and told him absolutely that it was 
false. However, I offered him one of the Provincial 
spare guns, but he did not like it, and gave it back. So 
as to make everything easy, I bought a German gun of 
one of the soldiers for thirty five shillings and gave it to 
the Indian, which satisfied him, and I paid for the gun. 



CONRAD WEI6ER. 373 

Nov. 22. After I had a very particular discourse 
with some of the heads of them, and put them in mind 
of what they had promised in the Treaty, and what 
would be their duty now, we parted, I being satisfied in 
my mind that these people were in good earnest, and 
very heartily in the affair, in order to bring over as 
many of the enemy Indians as they possibly can. John 
Cook undertook to deliver the message to his grand- 
mother and Poxonosa, and received the present for 
them, to wit, ten pieces of eight for each. Deedjoskon, 
quite sober, parted with me with tears in his eyes, recom- 
mended Pompshire to the Government of Pennsylvania, 
and desired me stand a friend to the Indians, and give 
good advice, till everything that was desired was brought 
about. Though he is a drunkard and a very irregular 
man, yet he is a man that can think well, and I believe 
him to be sincere in what he said. 

I took my leave of them, and they of me very can- 
didly. Captain Arndt sent an escort with me of twenty 
men to Fort Franklin, where we arrived at three o'clock 
in the afternoon, it being about fourteen miles distant 
from Fort Allen. I saw that the Fort was not tenable, 
and the house not finished for the soldiers, and that it 
could not be of any service to the inhabited part, there 
being a great mountain between them. I ordered Lieu- 
tenant Engel to evacuate it, and come to the south side 
of the hills himself with nineteen men, at John Eberet's, 
Esq., and the rest being sixteen men more, at John 
Eckenroad's, both places being about three miles dis- 
tant from each other, and both in the township of Lynn, 
Northampton county, until otherwise ordered. 



374 THE LIFE OF 

Nov. 23. Left Fort FraDklin. The Lieutenant, 
with ten men, escorted me as far as Probst's, about eight 
miles, where I discharged him, and arrived at Reading 
that evening. 

CONRAD WEISER. 

November 24, 1756. 



CONRAD WEISER. 375 



MEMORANDA 



NO. I. 

Conrad Weiser's Colonel Commission. 

By the Honorable William Denny, Governor and Com- 
mander-in-Chief of the Province of Pennsylvania, 
and counties of New Castle, Kent and Sussex in 
Delaware. 

Whereas, Brigadier General Stanwix has represen- 
sented to me, that his Majesty's service is in immediate 
want of a number of wagons and horses for the transpor- 
tation of provisions, and other necessaries for the army 
under his command, and that he has contracted with 
Conrad Weiser, Esq., of the county of Berks, to supply 
the quota assigned to be raised, within the said county of 
Berks; to grant unto the said Conrad Weiser impress 
warrants, in case he shall at any time be obliged to ap- 
ply to the said justices for the same. These are, there- 
fore, in his Majesty's name, and in pursuance of the Act 
of Assembly, to require you to issue your warrants to the 
constables within your respestive districts, for the im- 
pressing of as many wagons as shall at any time be de- 
manded by the said Conrad Weiser, or his deputies, in 
order to enable him and them to carry on the King's 
service according to his contract. Hereof fail not, as you 
will answer to the contrary at your peril. 

Given under my hand and seal at arras, at Philadel- 
phia, the ninth day of June, Anno Domini 1759, in the 
sixty-second year of his Majesty's reign. 

To the Justices of Peace for the county of Berks. 

WILLIAM DEXXY. 



376 THE LIFE OF 

NO. II. 

Deposition of C. Weiser and T. McKee Re- 
specting Conference at Easton. 

On the 6th day of August, 1757, appeared before 
William Denny, Esq., Lieutenant Governor of the 
Province of Pennsylvania, <fec., Conrad Weiser, Esq., 
and Thomas McKee, merchant, and respectively made 
oath on the holy Evangelists, that being employed as 
Indian Interpreters in the present Treaty, they attended 
as such at the public Conference held at Easton by the 
Governor of Pennsylvania with Teed3'uscung, the Dela- 
ware Chief, and the Indians, on the morning of the third 
day of this instant, August; that the Governor made a 
speech to the Indians, in answer to one delivered by 
them on the first day of this instant ; that as soon as 
the Governor was done speaking, Teedyuscung, by his 
Interpreter, John Pompshire, acquainted the Governor 
that he did not understand his speech, and then sat 
down again ; that Teedyuscung appeared to be much 
dissatisfied, and whilst the Governor and Mr. Croghan, 
Sir William Johnston's Deputy Agent, were endeavor- 
ing to find out whence the dissatisfaction arose, there 
was some discourse and murmur among the Chiefs of 
the Delawares; this deponent, Conrad Weiser, says, 
that observing this uneasiness among the Delaware 
Chiefs, he not understanding their language, asked one 
of the Six Nations who sat near him and understood 
Delaware, to tell him what was said l)y the Indians, 
who, he observed, were in Council together ; and the 
Six Nation Indian in answer said, they were angry with 
Teedyuscung for dwelling so long upon the land affair; 
that the Delaware Indian, Lapachpeton, whom this de- 



CONRAD WEISER. 377 

ponent knows to be of great reputation among the In- 
dians, interrupted Teedyuscung whilst he was speaking 
to the Governor, and in an angry way asked him, Why 
did you bring us down ? We thought we came down 
to make peace with our brethren, the English, but you 
continue to quarrel about the land affair, which is dirt, 
a dispute we did not hear of till now. I desire you to 
enter upon the business we came down for, which is for 
peace. And further said, that thereupon all or most of 
the Indians gave sounds of approbation. This depo- 
nent, Conrad Weiser, further says, that he instantly 
wrote down these words as they were spoken to him by 
the said Six Nation Indian, and gave the writing to the 
Governor, just as Teedyuscung took the two belts and 
was beginning to speak to the Governor. This depo- 
nent, Thomas McKee, says, that he heard and well un- 
derstood what was said by Lapachpeton and the other 
Delaware Indians ; and that it was the same in sub- 
stance as is above set forth to be related to Conrad Wei- 
ser by the Six Nation Indian, and that as soon as the 
sounds of approbation, in which almost all the Indians 
joined, were uttered, Teedyuscung called for the peace 
belts, and, holding them in his hands, made such a 
speech as is entered in Mr. Croghan's minutes of the 
third of August. This deponent, Thomas McKee, fur- 
ther says, that he repeated to Mr. Jacob Duche, asssistant 
clerk to Mr. Trent, the same words in substance as are set 
down as spoken by Lapachpeton, the instant he was done 
speaking, and that they are strictly true to the best of his 
knowledge and belief. CONRAD WEISER, 

THOMAS McKEE. 
Sworn before me, August 6, 1757, 
WILLIAM DENNY. 



378 THE LIFE OF 

NO. III. 

Extract from Conrad Weiser's Journal to 
Ohio, August, 1748. 

Set out from my house and came to James 

Galbreath that day, 30 miles. 

Came to Geoge Croghan's 15 

To Robert Duning's, 20 

To the Tuscarora Path, 30 

To the Black Log, 20 

To the Standing Stone, 26 

To Frank's Town, 38 

Fo the Clear Fields, 16 

To the Shawnese Cabins, 34 

To the Ten Mile Lick, 32 

To Ohio, 26 

Extract of Conrad Weiser^s Journal to Ohio, 1748. 

Aug. 

18 — From the Black Log to within 2 miles 

of the Standing Run, 
19 — Travelled 12 miles this day, 
20— Came to Frank's Town, 
22 — Crossed Allegheny Hill and came to 

the Clear Fields, 
23 — Came to the Shawnese Cabins, 
24— Came to the Ten Mile Lick, 
25 — Crossed Kisky Monitas Creek and came 

to Ohio, 



170 



24 miles 


12 


a 


26 


(( 


16 


u 


34 


(( 


32 


(( 


26 


a 



CONRAD WEISER. 379 

NO. IV. 

Memorandum of Wampum, 1748. 

Memorandum of the Wampum I left at the Secreta- 
ry's office, Oct. 21, 1748. 

Were given by the Indians on account of Carolina 
affair. See my Journal. 

Grains. 

A large Black Belt, 2000 

A String, Black and White, 256 

Ditto, Black and White, 600 

W^ere given by the Indians to the President and the 

Council of Pennsylvania. 

A String of White^ 150 

A Belt of White and few Black, 900 

A String of White, 300 

A String of White, 185 

Another String of White Wampum, 212 

I can give an account often thousand grains of white 
and black Wampum, I used at the treaty on the Ohio. 
Some of the belts the Indians will return or answer with 
some of theirs. Some hundreds I brought back, not in- 
cluded in the above, but will return them by the first 
opportunity to the Secretary. 

CONRAD WEISER, Interpreter. 



380 THE LIFE OF 

NO. y. 

Memorandum of Transactions with Indians at 
Reading, 1757. 

April 5. Then an Indian named Nathaniel, formerly 
a Moravian, arrived in Reading with a message from 
Mr. Croghan to Teedyuscung, at or on his way to Easton, 
in order to invite him to come to the Indians that were 
then arrived at John Harris' Ferry, and attend at the 
ensuing Treaty, (as Nathaniel told me.) I gave him his 
dinner, some pocket money, and a guide to Bethlehem. 

28. Capt. Wm. Trent arrived with three Mohawk 
Indians, to wit : Jonathan, Cayenguilyquo and his wife, 
and David Anruchregechle, on their way to Bethlehem 
or Easton, to meet Teedyuscung, and the rest of the In- 
dians with him, to invite them to Lancaster. The Indi- 
ans told me that " they were sent by Mr. Croghan to 
Reading for the purpose before mentioned, and that they 
were told Teedyuscung was there." I told the Indians 
in the presence of Capt. Trent what was first said. The 
Indians desired me to ask him, who said it was to Beth- 
lehem. Then it was found to be a fault of the Interpre- 
ter. I condoled with Jonathan for the loss of his son, 
who died in Philadelphia, gave him a string of whole 
wampum and his wife a large silk cloth, which he took 
kindly. I told the Indians that I had received orders 
from the Governor of Pennsylvania to go to Lancaster 
and take his brethren, the Indians, that came down the 
river Susquehanna, by the hand and bid them welcome 
to Pennsylvania in his name ; and that I intended to 
have set off to-morrow morning, if they had not come, 
(I did not know as yet what they had to say to me.) 



CX)NRAD WEISER. 381 

Jonathan told me " that he was very glad I had such 
orders, and he did wonder that I had them no sooner." 
I told them that when I was last in Philadel})hia, about 
a month ago, the Governor's Secretary told me that the 
Council thought it necessary I should go with the Gov- 
ernor's compliments to the Indians at Lancaster, and I 
then told the Secretary I could not go at these critical 
times without the Governor's written orders, which came 
to hand two nights ago. ^' We liave now been (said 
Jonathan) two months in the country and not seen our 
brother, the Governor of Pennsylvania, as yet, nor 
heard hardly anything of him yet, though we have been 
sent for and invited to come down.'' I asked him very 
modestly, "who has sent for you?" He said, "why, 
don't you know ?" I answered, " no." He seemed to 
be surprised at this. " Why," says he, " Lewis Mon- 
tour and others came up to Diahogo and invited the 
Delawares and Six Nations of Indians to come down to 
Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, to finish the Treaty of 
peace that was begun last summer ; and we came as 
Deputies from the Mohawks, sent by Waruchyockon 
(Sir William Johnson), to be present at the Treaty, and 
so many are come from all the Six Nations (excepting 
the Senecas, who sent none) ; and we have been promised, 
since we came to Pennsylvania, large presents of money 

and goods by Mr. C n." I told him, "I am very 

glad you came with the approbation of Waruchyockon ; 
he is a good and great man, and is trusted by the King 
of Great Britain with all the management of Indian af- 
fairs in North America. I wish you had all come to 
one place in Pennsylvania, and all together. Your com- 
ing to Lancaster, and T^edyuscung with his company, 



382 THE LIFE OF 

as 1 hear, coming to Easton, two places so far distant 
from one another, one upon the river Susquehanna, 
the other on the river Delaware, will make the affair of 
the Treaty very difficult ; besides, Teedyuscung is so far 
behind/^ Jonathan answered, " When we came by Dia- 
hogo, Teedyuscung was gone up that river, and we could 
not stay in such a hungry country as that now is. They 
have nothing to eat but walnuts and wild potatoes ; and 
we heard that he would soon follow us and a great 
number of Indians with him, some from a true love of 
peace with their brethren, the English, and some for 
want of everything, especially victuals/' Several things 
were discoursed of; among others, Jonathan asked me, 
"Is it true that you are become a fallen tree? That 
you must no more engage in Indian affairs, neither as a 
Councilor nor Interpreter ? What is the reason there- 
of?" I told him it was true. ''That the King of 
Great Britain had aj^pointed Waruchyockon to be 
manager of all Indian affairs that concern Treaties of 
friendship, war, &c. ; and that, accordingly, the great 
General that came over the great waters had, in the 
name of the King, ordered the Government of Pennsyl- 
vania to desist from holding Treaties with the Indians, 
and the Gov^ernment of Pennsylvania will obey the 
King's command, and consequently I, as the Govern- 
ment's servant, have nothing more to do with Indian 
affairs." " Ha ! Ha !" were both their voices at once, as 
much as if they had said, oh, sad ! After they had both 
whispered together for a while (I gave them room to do 
it by going into another room), Jonathan told me: "But 
Olia (Comrade, the style we give one another), I heard 
you have engaged on another bottom. You are made a 



CONRAD WEISER. 383 

Captain of warriors, and laid aside the Council atiiiir and 
turned a soldier." I made answer, " Olia, what you say 
is true, but let me tell in what connection it is true. 
Hear, therefore. When Pennsylvania people feared 
nothing from the Indians, and good will and Treaties 
of friendship subsisted between them and our brethren, 
the Indians, the Delawares and Shawnese invaded our 
country all at once, in a barbarous and cruel manner, 
killed or led into captivity all who came before them. 
My country then called for my aid (before the Governor 
of Pennsylvania did), and I raised men to defend a part 
of the country, of which the Governor approved, and 
soon after a great Council was called in Philadelphia, at 
which I attended, and it was agreed that Scarroyady and 
Echnizera should go up to the Indian country, to learn 
the cause of this murder and breach of friendship, and 
become mediators. How they have been received, you 
have been an eye-witness. You know their lives were 
threatened. When, after a fatiguing journey, they arri- 
ved in the Mohawk country and delivered the letters of 
the Governor of Pennsylvania to Sir William Johnson. 
That gentleman, then or before, had offered his mediation 
by the assistance of his neighbors and good friends, the 
Mohawks. Our two messengers stayed awhile in the 
Mohawk country and came to Philadelphia at last. You 
came with them, and several others of the Mohawks. 
You remember well what news you brought, and how 
the messages of the Six Nations had been answered by 
these, our old friends and new enemies, the Indians at 
Diahoo-o. The insolent answer those Indians made oc- 
casioned a proclamation of war. I remember, all the In- 
dians then in Philadelphia had been first consulted, and 



384 THE LIFE OF 

you gave your approbation, and you all were present 
when war was proclaimed. A great many stout hearted 
men then engaged and prepared to go to war against 
these Indians, and the Governor and Councilors of 
Pennsylvania opened the Council chest and took out 
money to pay for ammunition, and all that was ne- 
cessary to carry on the war, to pay their soldiers. When 
soon after, all at once, letters came from the Governor 
of New York and Sir William Johnson to the Gov- 
ernor of Pennsylvania, by which we learned that Sir 
William Johnson, by his prudent management, and the 
assistance of the Mohawks, our good friends, had at last 
prevailed on these Indians to come to a cessation of 
arms. The Governor immediately issued his proclama- 
tion and ordered the soldiers, aud others, to be only upon 
the defensive, and not to go on any expedition or act 
oifensively on the east side of the Susquehanna. The 
Governor then sent, immediately, messengers up the 
river Susquehanna, as far as Diahogo, to let the Indians 
know what was agreed upon by Sir William Johnson 
and the Chiefs, or some of the Chiefs of the Delawares. 
What further happened, you will soon hear. Now, in 
all these proceedings, Olia, I have assisted, and never 
laid aside civil affairs. I attended at the Treaties in 
Easton, last summer, as a Councilor in the affairs of the 
Treaty, and also with some of the soldiers under my 
command as a guard to the Governor of Pennsylvania, 
and the gentlemen Councilors, and others, who came 
with him, and to Teedyuscung and all the Indians with 
him, and conveyed them over the Blue Mountains to 
Fort Allen, with all their goods and provisions, and we 
parted as civil Councilors, and Teedyuscung recom- 



CONRAD WEISER. 385 

mended the nffair of peace, with tears in his eyes. So, 
Olia, don't charge me with such a thing as that. I take 
greater delight in war than in civil affairs. I am a man 
for peace, and if 1 had my wish, there should be no war 
at all, at least not on this side of the great waters." Jon- 
athan made answer, '^ Olia, I thank you for this infor- 
mation and for refreshing my memory. I am entirely 
satisfied that what you said to be the truth, and am now 
able to report the thing in a clear light." 



NO. VI. 

Account of Expenses of Conrad Weiser to and 
FROM Fort Augusta, per Son Samuel. 

To the hire of a horse, having none of my 

own, 11 days, at 1.6 per day, £ 16 6 

To the hire of a man and horse to accompa- 
ny me from Tulpehocken, 9 days, at 4 s. 
per day for man and horse, 1 15 00 

To provisions I bought at Tolheo for my 
journey, and for three [night's lodging, 
including oats and fodder for horses, 2 11 10 

To 667 grains of ^yampum, made up in two 
strings of several rows, made use of with 
the Indians at Fort Augusta, at 5 s. per 
hundred, 1 13 9 



£6 18 3 
N. B.— In the above £2 11 00 is included 15, which 
I gave to John Petty, he complaining of his wretched 
poverty. 
25 



386 THE LIFE OF 

And my own trouble is humbly submitted to his 
Honor, the Governor, by 
Honored Sir, 

Your most obedient. 
Humble servant, 

SAMUEL WEISER. 
Philada., March 21, 1760. 



NO. VII. 

Memorandum of Conrad Weiser Respecting 
Indians, 1766. 

Pro Memoria, to myself. 

I can never agree that the Indians came to complain 
about their land, or some of it being fraudulently got 
from them, but they were pressed for reasons why they 
struck us, and gave that as one of their reasons, but I 
am satisfied that it was put into their mouth some time 
before. Witness Sauer's news after the Treaty in July 
in Easton, upon that head we want no Treaty, without 
they, the Indians, require it. We want no mediator be- 
tween the Proprietors and the Indians about land affairs 
between us and the Delawares, before the Proprietors' 
pleasure is known and the Six Nations consulted. 

I should be glad if the Indians on Ohio could be 
spoken to. Let them be brought (by means of Sir Wm. 
Johnson) to us or to the Mohawk country, or join our 
invitation with his, if he pleases. 



CONRAD WEISER. 387 

NO. VIII. 

Conrad Weiser's Memorandum of Conference 
AT Easton, 1757. 

July 14, 1757. 

King Teedyuscung being met in Council, with John 
Pompshare and Moses Tedeeray, Interpreters, and seven 
or eight elderly men. 

After Conrad Weiser had bade Teedyuscung and his 
people welcome in the name of the Governor, and shaken 
hands with him. King Teedyuscung took out a belt of 
wampum and thanked the Governor for his kindness, 
and all his people, as well as himself, signified a great 
deal of satisfaction to hear from the Governor. x\ndthe 
king said : It pleased the head of the Province to bring 
me once more to the place where our Council fire was 
kindled. It is a great pleasure to me to hear from my 
brother, the Governor, and I hope I shall see him soon 
here at our Council fire, where we will smoke the best 
Tobacco with one another that can be found, and the 
best understanding restored that ever was. By this belt 
of wampum I take you by the hand and lead you up to 
our Council fire, and desire you will not listen to the 
singing of birds in the woods. But come with pleasure, 
and be as expeditious this time as ever you can. Gave 
the belt. 

Mr. Pompshare, in delivering the belt, observed to 
me that there was a great deal of black wampum in the 
belt. It was to distinguish the ten white spots, signify- 
ing ten Nations that came with Teedyuscung, and desi- 
red I might explain it so to his Honor, the Governor. 

CONRAD WEISER. 



388 THE LIFE OF 

NO. IX. 
Memorandum of Conrad Weiser, June 13, 1748. 

Last night arrived at my house Ganataraykon, Sogo- 
gockiather, Achnoara, Kattake and Sanagaranet, sent by 
Shekallamy to inform me of a message from the Six Na- 
tions to the following purport : 

" Brethren and Cousins, you that live on the Susque- 
hanna river and elsewhere : We let you know that our 
brethren, the English, have sent a message to us to in- 
form us, that the French had come to live on this side of 
the Lake, and threaten destruction to the Six Nations as 
well as to the English, and that, therefore, it was requi- 
site our Nation, in concert with the others, should take 
up the English hatchet and exert themselves against the 
French. To encourage us, therefore, they gave a large 
belt of wampum, made in the shape of a hatchet, and 
told us further, that the English cried out for help, hav- 
ing suffered much by the French. So far the English 
message. While the Indians were in Council to think 
on an answer, the English messengers were very kind, 
and made presents of hatchets and other things to the 
women and children.'' 

The Council of Cayuga made answer : " Brethren, 
the English : We are surprised at what you say. How 
is it possible that you could be beaten before you fought? 
You hitherto sat still and did nothing but use all the 
arts possible to bring us into the war, and then, no doubt, 
you would be easy enough ; but we must once more re- 
turn your hatchet to you, and desire you to fight like 
men. You are very numerous, and in case we should 
see that the French would be too many for you, we will 



CONRAD WEISER. 389 

assist you ; but never before you fight like men." The 
Indians returned the belt, upon which the messenger 
said that he must acquaint them, that their brethren, the 
English, would in the future look upon the Indians to 
be their enemies and in the French interest, and the Eng- 
lish would use them accordingly. Upon which the In- 
dians answered, Yo, do so. After some pause the Eng- 
lish messenger offered the Indians a dram, and gave them 
a large cask ; but the Indians would not taste it and re- 
turned it, and said : ^^ Brethren, we have drunk too much 
of your rum already, which has occasioned our destruc- 
tion ; we will, therefore, for the future beware of it." 
The Indians also ordered the women and children to re- 
turn everything they had received as presents from the 
said messenger, which was accordingly done. 

The remainder of the Indian message is as follows : 
^Brethren and Cousins, that live on the Susquehanna 
river : We send you this string of wampum, and desire 
you to have your ears open and be on your guard ; we 
also desire you will with all speed carry this our message 
from town to tow^n, until it arrives at Schohonyady." 

This was accordingly done — the said message came 
to Shamokin on the 9th instant, and the Indians met in 
Shekallamy's house. It was delivered by a Delaware 
Indian that lives on Wayamuck or Seahantowany. The 
Indians at Shamokin dispat<;hed it immediately to Scho- 
honyady aforesaid, though the sun was just down. 

Shekallamy is sick and likely to loose his eyesight, 
but he said in Council that either the Indian or English 
messengers must have falsified the message, for he could 
not believe it, and would, therefore, dispatch two of his 
sons with two other Indians to let Tarachowagon know 



390 THE LIFE OF 

of it, who would soon inform the Indians of the truth 
of the matter. I made no other answer, but told the 
young people I was of their father^s opinion entirely, and 
would immediately set out for Philadelphia, and it was 
no more than for the Council of Philadelphia to write to 
the Governor of New York to inquire whether the above 
message was his own or not, and the truth would soon 
come out. CONRAD WEISER. 



CX)NRAD WETSER. 391 



ADDENDA. 



INTRODUCTION.* 

Peter Kalm, a Swedish uaiural philosopher and trav- 
eler, who was born at Ostro Bothnia in 1715, and trav- 
eled from 1748 to 1751 in North America, says: 

" Though the Province of New York has been inhab- 
ited by Europeans much longer than Pennsylvania, yet 
it is not by far so populous as that colony. This cannot 
be ascribed to any particular discouragement arising from 
the nature of the soil, for that is pretty good ; but, I am 
told of a very different reason, which I will mention 
here. 

"In the reign of Queen Anne, about the year 1709, 
many Germans came hither, who got a tract of land 
from the English Government, which they might settle. 
After they had lived there some time, and had built 
houses, and made corn-fields and meadows, their liber- 
ties and privileges were infringed, and, under several 
pretences, they were repeatedly deprived of j)arts of 
their land. This at last aroused the Germans. They 
returned violence for violence, and beat those who thus 
robbed them of their possessions. But these proceedings 



*The following Lists of Emigrants to New York and Penn- 
sylvania are transferred from Prof. I. D. Kupp's "Collection 
of Thirty Thousand Names." 



392 THE LIFE OF 

were looked upon in a very bad light by the Govern- 
ment. The most active people among the Germans be- 
ing taken up, they were roughly treated, and punished 
with the utmost rigor of the law. This, however, so far 
exasperated the rest, that the greater part of them left 
their houses and fields, and went to settle in Pennsyl- 
vania. There they were exceedingly well received, got 
a considerable tract of land, and were indulged in great 
privileges, which were given them forever. The Ger- 
mans, not satisfied with being themselves removed from 
New York, wrote to their relations and friends, and ad- 
vised them, if ever they intended to come to America, 
not to go to New York, where the Government had 
shown itself so uneqitable. This advice had such influ- 
ence that the Germans, who afterwards went in great 
numbers to North America, constantly avoided New 
York and always went to Pennsylvania. 

" It sometimes happened that they were forced to go 
on board of such ships as were bound for New York, 
but they were scarce got on shore, when they hastened 
on to Pennsylvania, in sight of all the inhabitants of 
New York.'^ 



CONRAD WEISER. 



393 



NO. I. 

Names of Early Settlers of Berks & Mont- 
gomery Counties, 

(Originally Philadelphia County,) Who were naturalized 
Jammry 9, 1729, to 1730. 



Peter Wentz, 
Martin Kolb, 
Dielmau Kolb, 
Jacob Kolb, 
Michael Ziegler, 
Paul Fried, 
Hans Danweiler, 
Valentine Hunsicker 
Jacob Schreiner, 
Johannes Kooken, 



Johann Joder, 
Johann Joder, Jr., 
Philip Kielwein, 
Jest Joder, 
Hans Hoch, 
Peter Endreas, 
Johann Dietrich Kreiner, 
Peter Balio, 
Abraham Levan, 
Isaac Levan, 
Nicholas Lescher, 
Johannes Dewalt End, 
Johann Georg Bentzel, 
Blasius Daniel Mackinet, 



Jacob Herman, 
Gerhart Clemens, 
Christian Zimmerman, 
Jacob Metz, 
Bastian Schmidt, 
Martin Gmelin, 
Ulrich Mayer, 
Christian Bauman, 
Abraham Schwaark, 

, Hermanns Kuster. 

From Berks County. 

David Kauffman, 
Jean Bartolett, 
Hans Martin, 
George Martin Schenckel, 
Jonathan Herbein, 
Johann Bauman, 
Arnold Huffnagle, 
Johannes Langenecker, 
Johannes Buchwalter, 
Johann Eckstein, 
Isaac Vansintern, 
George Raus, 
George Jieger, 
Samuel Guldin, 



394 THE LIFE OF 

Mathias Adam Hogermoed, Christopher Guldin, 

Hans Rupp, Heinrich Pannbecker, 

Lorentz Belitz, Hans Siegfried, 

Joh. Nicholas Kressman, Samuel Hoch, 

Christopher Funk, Johann Schneider, 

Johaun George Reif, George Merkle, 

Johann Isaac Klein, Hubbert Cassell, 

Peter Reif, Peter Traler, 

Johann Jacob Scharch, Heinrich Schaut, 

Johann Joseph Scharch, Jacob Hottenstein, 

Antonius Halman, Daniel Langenecker, 

Gerhard Peters, Hans Jacob Bechtel, 

Johannes Mayer, Melchior Hoch, 

Johannes Schaffer, George Bechtel, 

Jacob Seltzer, Jost Heinrich Sassamanhau- 
Johannes Lefeber, sen. 

From Bucks County. 

Jacob Klemmer, George Bach man, 

Jacob Sauder, John Dreistel. 
Philip Geissinger, 

From Chester County. 

Christian Mory, Casper Acker, 

Johannes Roth, Jacob Acker. 

From the City of Philadelphia. 

Marcus Kuhl, Johann Becker, 

Johann Keller, Abraham Kintzing. 
Jacob Karsdoop, 

From Philadelphia County. 1734 to 1735. 

Anthony Benezet, Martin Bitting, 

Abraham Zimmerman, Conrad Kerr, 

Christian Weber, Conrad Kuster, 



CONRAD WEISER. 395 

Nicholas Keyser, Jacob Dubre, 

Anthony Zadoiiski, Andreas Kreber, 

Hans Jacob Dubre, Ludwig Bitting. 
Hans Bingeman, 

Fro7n Chester County. 1734 to 1735. 
Gerhart Braunbeck. 

From Lancaster County. 
Johann George Bard, Frederick Elberstadt, 

Johann Casper Stoever, Peter Ensminger, 
Michael Weilder, Jacob Herschberger. 

NO. II. 

Names and Ages of the Heads of Families Re- 
maining IN the City of New York, 1710. 

Hans Wilhelm Stuckrath, 37, Ludwig Buers, 32, 

Anna Wormser, 36, George Ludwig Leicht, 56, 

Nicklaus Jung, 32, Johann Heinrich Neukirch,36 

Franz Lucas, Anna Almerod, 67, 

Mattheis Bronck, 50, Johann Heinrich Leicht, 24, 

Johannes Jung, 32, JohaunHeinricliGo3singer,31, 

Baltzar Wenerich, 40, Friederich Maul, 31, 

Benedictus Wenericli, 32, ChristopherDannerniarker,28, 

Anna Apolona Siegner, 44, Anna Marg.Dannerinarker,58 

Johannes Planck, 43, Andreas Elich, 37, 

Hans Adam Zolhier, 52, Johannes Engell, 31, 

Andreas Richter, 47, Michael Paeffer, 32, 

Anna Maria Mengel, 27, Michael Storr, 38, 
Maria Margaretha Scher, 23, Joh. Diet. Wanneiimacher, 2^, 

Peter Gerlaeh, 37, Conrad Lein, o6, 

Hieronimus Klein, ""8, Peter Appelnuin, 42, 

Anna Catharina Erb, 44, Anna Maria Bender, 41, 

Magdalina Bauin, 29, Arnold Falck, 36, 



396 



THE LIFE OF 



Maria Catharina Bornwasser 
Maria Catharina Schuetz, 40 
Anna Maria Cramer, 38, 
Maria Nies, 38, 
Frances Bash, 40, 
Susanna Beyer, 30, 
Sitonia Melch, 41, 
Anna Catharina Batz, 38, 
Anna Eliza Rorbaal, 34, 
Anna Elizabeth Schultz, 22, 
Conrad Friederich, 52. 
Johann Philip Greisler, 40, 
Elizabeth Larapert, 47, 
Maria May, 45, 
George Roemer, 30, 
Ulrich Simmendiuger, 38, 
Christian Kasselman, 36, 
Johann Dietrich Schatz, 38, 
Anna Elizabeth Maul, 42, 
Peter Wickhaus, 32, 
Veronica Zwick, 39, 
Johannes Lorentz, 43, 
Caspar Hartwig, 39, 
Magdalena Off, 32, 
Anna Eva Morrell, 48, 
Michael Henneschied, 36, 
Johann Peter Fuchs, 31, 
Anna Maria Held, 50, 
Dieterich Fiebersbach, 21, 
Christopher Werner, 35, 
Johann Paul Badner, 19, 
Elizabeth Mueller, 42, 
Nicolaus Heisterbach, 53, 
Elizabeth Noll, 66, 
Appalonia Limtz, 40, 



, Anna Kuneguude Russ, 44, 
, Johannes Kautz, 40, 
Maria Catherine Hebman, 40, 
Anna Maria Sack, 30, 
Johann Mattheus Keiser, 23, 
Johannes Trillhauser, 23, 
Bernhardt Sickard, 25, 
Johann W"ilhelmSchneider,28 
Valentin Bressler, 41, 
Andreas Weidknecht, 40, 
Johannes Baer, 40, 
Melchior Dausweber, 55, 
Johanna Zenger, 33, 
Anna Maria Gabel, 34, 
Bened ictus Kuehner, 36, 
Anna Elizabeth Lauch, 42, 
Margaretha S.hmidt, 27, 
Daniel Teffer, 30, 
Margaretta Messer, 50, 
Maria Galete, 38, 
Simon Vogt, 31, 
Johann Wilhelm Felten, 30, 
Hermanns Hoffman, 30, 
Ludolph Korning, 50, 
Bernhart Ekel, 53, 
Johannes Taeuble, 38, 
Catharina Mueller, 36, 
Joh. Jacob Starrenberger, 45, 
Johann Friederich Neff, 34, 
Anna Catherina Grau, 40, 
Heinrich Schmidt, 54, 
Daniel Schumacher, 30, 
Philip Peter Grauberger, 29, 
Johannes Roschman, 33. 



CONRAD WEISER. 397 

NO. III. '^ 

Names and Ages of Male Children Apprenticed by 
Governor Hunter, 1710 to 1714. 

Johann Philip Lepper, 12, Hans Gerhart Loeser, ? 10, 
George Friedrich Weiser, 13, John Peter Zenger, 13, 
Daniel Artopee Weiser, 12, Thomas Reich, 12, 
Philip Daniel Weiser, 13, Jacob Berleman, 10, 
Johann Paul Deubig, 7, Johann Paul Schmidt, 12, 

Hans George Kuhus, 8, George Sclmeider, 15, 

Hans Philip Kuhns, 15, Joh.Con.Matheis Horner, 15, 

Adam Greiner, 13, Jacob Eysterberg, 3, 

Hans George Bser, Hans Heinrich Schiltz, 8, 

Joh.LudigTrorit(Trauert),9, W. Webber, 8, 
Hein. Porter (Bortner), 14, Jouah Schmidt, 10, 
Hans Bastian Gatian, 12, Johannes Schiltz, 10, 
Joh. Bernhart Ruropaw Chri.«tian Engel, 12, 

(Rorbach), 10, Arnold Schweedt, 13, 
Johann Conrad Otteene,? 9, Jacobus Brauer, 14, 
Frederick Otteene, ? 7, Peter Lohn, ? 9, 

Hans George Schweitzer, 12, Nicholas Dietrich, 14, 
Johann Conrad Petre, 12, Peter De Mott, 13, 
Peter Pfeiffer, 6, Joh. Wilhelm Schmidt, 14, 

George Kastner, 13, Jacob Berleman, 11, 

Gerhardt Lamberton, 12, Simon Helm, 12. 

The whole number apprenticed, male and females, was 75. 



398 



THE LIFE OF 



NO. IV. 



Names of Male Palatines, Above Twexty-One Years 

Old, in Livingstone Manor, N. Y., in the 

Winter 1710, and Summer 1711. 



Johann Christopher Geiiach, 

Peter Maurer, 

Philip Mueller, 

Johann George Spannheimer, 

Johann Friedrich Casselmann, 

Johann Loeher, 

Friedrich Merkel, 

George Schaeflfer, 

Johann Adam Friedrich, 

Valentine Bender, 

Brandau, 

Schseffer, 

Arnold, 

Wilhelm, . 

Heinrich Hoffman, 
George Hoehlen, 
Heinrich Soherman, 
Valentine Wohlleber, 
Philip Wohlleber, 
Peter Wagner, 
Johann Heinrich Krautz, 
Johannes Straub, 
Franz Keller, 
Johannes Becker, 
Joh. Friedrich Gantermann, 
—Philip Kilmer, 
Heinrich Mann, 
Thomas Ehrman, 
Albert Friedrich Marterstock, 
Conrad Martin, 
Adam Hardel, 
Gottfried Fidler, 
Jacob Demuth, 
Gottfried Riegel, 
Hieronimus Scheib, 
Nicholas Kerner, 
Dietrich, 



Augustine Voschell, 

Peter Voschell, 

Johannes Eberhard, 

Peter Wohlleber, 

Anthony Kremer, 

Herman Hostman, 

Stephen Froehlich, 

Johannes Franck, 

Andreas Ross, 

Joseph Reichart, 

Melchior Tausweber, 

Rev. Joshua Kocherthal, t 

Jacob Mond, 

Matheus Schleimer, 

George Wilhelm Kiel, 

Peter Becker, 

Valentine Falkenberg, 

Wilhelm Mueller, 

Johannes Ritzbach, 

Peter Keiseler, 

Johann Wilhelm Kieffer, 

Johann Heinrich Schram, 

Peter Egner, 

John Michael Emrich, 

George Heinrich Stubenrauch, 

Peter Diebel, 

Christian Mseyer, 

Peter Oberbach, 

Heinrich Mohr, 

George Briegel, 

Johannes Schseffer, 

George Dachstaedter, 

Johannes Zeissdorf, 

Heinrich Mayer, 

Capt. Joh. Christopher Fuchs, 

Johann Wilhelm Thales, 

Johann Wilhelm Scheff. 



CONRAD WEISER. 



399 



Weiden, 

Hieronimus Weller, 
^ Johann Conrad Weiser, 
Mattheus Reinbolt, 
Johann Peter Dopfl', 
Johann Jacob Reisch, 
Carl Nehr, 
Heinrich Jung, 
Werner Deichert, 
George Mueller, 
Friedrich Bellinger, 
Heinrich Wiederwachs, 
George Matthias, 
Christopher Hagedorn, 
Franz Finok, 
Andreas Schuetz, 
Peter Hagedorn, 
Nicholas Weber, 
Wilhelm George, 
Friedrich Sch^effer, 
Anthony Ichard, 
Johann Peter Lein, 
Johann Jacob Munsinger, 
Johannes Leyer, 
Jacob Kuhn, 
Heinrich Mattheis, 
Nicholas Eekert, 
Martin Dillenbach, 
Nicholas Foeller, 
Jacob Schnell, 
Jacob Webber, 
Wilhelm Nelles, 
Johannes Geissler, 
Samnel Kuhn, 
Jacob Ess, 
Gerhart Schaeffer, 
Ulrich Bruckhart, 
Conrad Kuhn, 
Friedrich Mentegen, 
Samuel Kuhn, 
Valentine Kuhn, 
Heinrich Winter, 
Johann George Reiffenberg, 



Christian Bauch, 

Peter Heidt, 

Heinrich Hammer, 

Michael Ittich, 

Johann Keyser, 

Jacob Kopp, 

Paulus Dientzer, 

Melchior Foltz, v 

Johannes Segendorff, 

Philip Laux, 

Abraham Langen, 

Johann Jacob Schultz, 

Johann Wilhelm Hambach, 

Nicholas Laux, 

Nicholas Goettel, 

Capt. Hartman Windecker, 

Johann Wilhelm Dill, 

Pete/ Spies, 

Herman Bitzer, 

Johannes Schuc, 

Johann Wilhelm Schneider,*^ 

Jacob Bast (Borst), 

Johannes Blass, 

Johann Wilhelm Rammer, 

Johannes Bonroth, 

Johannes Bernhard, 

Sebastian Fischer, 

Nicholas Heidt, 

Heinrich Klein, 

Heinrich Balthaser Stuper, 

Casper Ranch, 

Hans Heinrich Zeller, 

Johannes Zoller, 

Sebastian Pisas, 

Andreas Walborn, 

Antonius Scharf, 

Sebastian Fischer, 

Christian Lauer, 

Johann Adam Lesch, 

George Anspach, 

Ludwig Wilhelm Schmidt, 

Paulus Reidkopff, 

P^v. Johann Friedrich Hseger, 



400 



THE LIFE OF 



Johann Wilhelm Linck, 
Johann Martin Netzbach, 
Johannes Weiss, 
Johann Adam Walborn, 
Johann Heinrich Ahrndorff, 
Daniel Busch, 
Johann Heinrich Conradt, 
Heinrich Bellinger, 
Johannes Schneider, 
Marcus Bellinger, 
Philip Schseffer, 
Johann Kraut, 
Christian Sittenich, 
Johann Heinrich Schmidt, 
Johann Philip Zerbe, 
Nicholas Ruhl, 
Adam Michael Schmidt, 
Conrad Meissinger, 
Thomas Ruffeuer, 
Jacob Dinges, 
Heinrich Fehling, 
Johann Jost Petry, 
Johannes Lantz, 
Lorenz Zerbe, 
Peter Rieth, 
Conrad Schuetz, 
Joseph Saab, 
George Rieth, 
Gottlieb Fidler (Fitler), 
Johannes Rieth, 
Johann Peter Pacht, 
Jacob Loewengut, 
Johannes Nosecker, 
«/ Jacob Katterman, 



Johann Peter Kneskern, 
Jacob Mauck, 
Philip Peter Grauberger, 
David Huppert, 
Conrad Schauerman, 
Heinrich Sechs (Sex), 
Friedrich Bsell, 
Jacob Kobel, 
Jacob Werner, 
Johannes Schultheis, 
Reinhart Schsetter, 
Johannes Roschman, 
Carl Uhl, 
Baltzer Anspach, 
Conrad Keller, 
Johann George Schmidt, 
Conrad Goldman, 
George Bender, 
Johann Heinrich Uhl, 
Thomas Schumacher, 
Peter Schmidt, 
Johannes Schwa 11, 
George Ludwig Koch, 
Veit Muesig, 
George Kirchner, 
Christian Hills, 
Rudolph Stahl, 
Gottfried Wolfen, 
Leon hart Anspach, 
George Zeh, 
Andreas Kapp, 
Johann Philip Theis, 
Martin Zerbe. 



CONRAD WEI6ER. 401 

NO. V. 
EINWEIHUNGS-LIED. 

Conrad Weiser composed the following beautiful 
verses, which were used at the dedication of a church : 

1 Jehovah, Herr und Majestaet ! 
Hoer unser kindlich Flehen : 
Neig deine Ohren zura Gebet 
Der Schaaren, die da stehen 
Vor deinem heiligen Angesicht : 
Yerschmsehe unsere Bitte nicht, 
Um deines Namens willen. 

2 Dies Haus wird heute eingeweiht 
Von deinem Bundes-Volke : 
Lass uns, Herr, deine Herrlichkeit 
Hernieder in der Wolke, 

Dass sie erfuelle dieses Haus 
Und treibe alles Boese aus, 
Um deines Namens willen. 

3 Es halte Niemand das gemein, 
Was du fuer rein erklseret : 

Dies Haus soli eine Wohnung sein, 
Worin man dich verehret. 
Es bleibe stets ein Heiligthum 
Fuer's reine Evangelium ! 
Um deines Namens willen ! 

4 Verleihe, dass es nie gebricht 
An treuen Kirchen-Rsethen, 

Die nach Gewissen, Amt und Pflicht 
Fuer sich und Andere beten, 
Damit durch ihren Dienst und Treu 
Der Kirche wohlgerathen sei, 
Um deines Namens willen ! 



402 THE LIFE OF 

5 O Majestset, erzuerne nicht, 
Dass wir iins unterwinden, 

Zu bitten, dass dein Recht und Licht 
Hier stetig sei zu finden ! 
Drum gieb uns Lehrer, die erfuellt 
Mit deinem Geist und Ebenbild, 
Um deines Namens willen ! 

6 Wenn deine treuen Knechte hier 
In deinem Namen lehren, 
Weun sie erhoehen dein Panier ; 
Dann lass dein Volk so hoeren, 
Dass sich eroeffne ihr Verstand, 
Ihr Wille werde umgewandt, 
Um deines Namens willen ! 

7 Hier oeifne sich der Boten Mund, 
Und triefe recht vom Fette ! 

Er mache Fluch und Segen kund, 
Und ringe in die Wette 
Mit Gott und seines Geistes Kraft, 
Die ihm den VVeg zum Herzen schaffi, 
Um Jesu Christi willen ! 

8 Lass, Jesu, diese Quelle sein 
Ein reines Meer der Gnaden, 
Darinnen unsere Kindelein 
Von Erb- und Suenden-Schaden 

Durch dein Verdienst, Blut, Schweiss undjTod 
Errettet werden aus der Noth, 
Urn deines Namens willen ! 

9 Lass, Majestset, auf diesem Platz 
Die reinste Lehre bleiben, 

Und deine Knechte solchen Schatz 
Nach deinem Willen treiben. 
Behuete uns vor Zsenkerei, 
Vor Sicherheit und Heuchelei, 
Um deines Namens willen ! 



CONRAD WEISER. 403 

10 Das ist und bleibet ewig wahr, 
Was Christi Mund gesprochen : 
Wer ab- und zuthut, hat ganz klar 
Des Mittlers Wort gebrochen. 
Drum irret nicht, Gott Iffisset sich 
In solcher Saclie absonderlich 
Nicht in die Lsenge spotten ! 

11 Lass dieses Haus die Werkstatt sein, 
Worinn viel tausend Seelen 

In Buss und Glauben nur allein 
Mit Jesu sich vermoehlen 
Durch deiues Wortes Lebens-Saft 
Und deiner Sacramenten Kraft, 
Um deines Nameus willen ! 

12 Gieb endlich, hoechste Majestaet 
Des Himmels und der Erden, 

Dass Fuerbitt, Dank, Preis und Gebet 

Mag hier geopfert werden 

Fuer jeden Stand der Christenheit, 

Damit in alle Ewigkeit 

Dein Nam' geehret werde ! 

13 Vor Feuer, Krieg und Wassers-Noth 
Wollst du dies Haus bewahren ! 
Damit nach sePgem Tod 

Die Nachkommen erfahren, 
Dass wir dich, wahren Gott, geliebt 
Und uns in deinem Wort geuebt, 
Um deines Namens willen ! 



404 THE LIFE OF 

NO. VI. 

The German Patriots and Martyrs. 

Among the many German i)ioneers, who were mas- 
sacred by savage cruelty between the years 1744-1763, 
and more especially in the district which the counties of 
Berks, licbanon, Dauphin, Northampton, Carbon, Bucks, 
Montgomery and Lehigh now embrace, the following 
whose descendants still survive, may be mentioned : — 
Kline, Roth, Bittenbender, SchaeflPer, Schweigart, Ger- 
hart, Linderman, Spitler, Lebenguth, Maurer, Long, 
Trump, Ya)ger, Geiger, Wolf, Weisser, Mosser, Miess, 
Motz, Hubler, and others. The number swells beyond 
three hundred. Pastor Kurtz, of Tulpehocken, officiated 
over the mangled remains of seven victims, one morning 
in July, 1757. The members of the Tulpehocken con- 
gregations carried their guns and hymn books alike to 
the church, as weapons against wild beasts, savages and 
the devil. In the month of June, 1756, good Felix 
Wuensch was shot down behind the plough. This man 
deserves honorable mention at least, though we can 
hardly ho})e to have him acknowledged as the peer of 
General Putnam. A Rothermel might add new laurels 
to his chaplet, were he to set alive on canvas this Ger- 
man martyr-ploughman. Though wounded and stag- 
gering, he used his rude cart-whip against five giant In- 
dians lustily, until he fell tomahawked and scalped to 
the earth. His wife and two little girls were cast into 
the burning house and perished in the flames. 

The venerable Pastor Mulilenberg tells the following 
soul-stirring tale of woe in a pathetic style: '^ In New 
Hanover I had confirmed two grown daughters of Fred- 



CONIIAD WEISER. 405 

erick Reichelsdorfer. This mau subsequently bought a 
tract of forest land near the Blue Mountains, which he 
cultivated successfully, with much toil and great sacri- 
fice, to enable him to support his family. But fearing 
the Indians, who scouted the region, sacking, burning, 
and murdering, he removed his family back to New 
Hanover, whilst he journed to and fro, to attend to his 
place. In the month of March, after he and his daugh- 
ters had threshed out his wheat, on a Friday morning, 
they suddenly felt an uncomfortable presentiment of 
fear. Entering upon their evening devotions, they join- 
ed in singing the old hymn, ' Wer weisz, wie nahe mir 
mein EndeJ Committing themselves to God, they re- 
tired. On the following Saturday morning, as the father 
had gone upon the open field to bring in his horses, and 
on the eve of starting for home, he was surrounded by 
Indians. From sudden fright, in view of his great peril, 
he could neither utter a cry, nor move a limb. As the 
savages were within twenty paces, he turned his thoughts 
to God, and was enabled to cry : ' Jesus I I live by 
Thee ! Jesus ! I die in Thee I" In the moment of this 
exclamation, he felt himself at once endowed with a su- 
perhuman energy, in virtue of which he turned, became 
swift-footed as a deer, and winged, like the ostrich. He 
escaped from their sight, and reached his home ; but, 
alas ! his hut lay in ashes ; the cattle were bellowing in 
a sheet of flame ; his eldest daughter lay a crisp, and the 
younger, partly alive, scalped and horribly mutilated, 
had barely strength to relate the harrowing circumstan- 
ces, and to impress a dying kiss upon the distracted brow 
of her father bending over her." 

Of the German patriots and martyrs little is said in 



406 THE LIFE OF 

books. Their offspring need still not, on this account, 
forget or ignore them. " God made of one blood, all the 
nations of the earth,'' and that blood is equally precious, 
whenever it is shed in a good cause. 

There is hardly an old stone house, in Eastern Penn- 
sylvania especially, that had not served the double pur- 
pose of a residence and " fort" during the Provincial era. 
The firmly-built house on the left bank of the Schuyl- 
kill, near Douglassville, Berks co., around which cling 
many reminiscences of *Conrad Weiser and the Indians, 
is but a sample. But withal, our forefathers were driven 
forth, again and again, and returning, they found the 
charred walls, and nothing more. Possessing their souls 
in patience, they rebuilt their homesteads once more, and 
with heavy hearts sought their captive sons and daugh- 
ters among the savages — too often in vain ! 

Since Conrad Weiser had been an acknowledged 
" Kcenig unter den Indianern/' it is easy to credit the 
tradition, that he effected numberless reconciliations, 
stayed the flow of much blood, and prevented many an 
impending outbreak. And bearing this reign of terror 
and suffering in mind, his " Letters" will become at once 
intelligible and interesting. They will teach us, too, 
whenever we read of " the days in which men's souls 
were tried," that the German pioneers — our ancestors — 
were likewise of those " days ;" that they, too, had 
" souls," and that when '^ tried," they were found far 
from wanting. Out upon the slander, that the German 

*CoNRAD. — This familiar name was originally written KoN- 
RATH. The German terms, Kuehn, Keen, and Rath, coun- 
sel, are, perhaps, its best derivation. The name proved not 
merely conventional, but eminently significant, in both the 
elder and younger Conrad Weisers. 



CONRAD WEISER. 407 

pioneers had all been Hessians ! The latter, compared 
with the former, stand as a drop to the vast ocean. Un- 
der a parallel comparison between the English and the 
" Tories,'^ we are sure of carrying off the prize. The 
Germanic element in our National life may be likened 
to a slumbering giant, just awakening. And in the 
measure, in which an awakening occurs, and a conscious- 
ness of its prestige, history and worth obtains, we may 
expect the German martyr blood to liquify afresh, and 
the sacrifices and sufferings of our patient forerunners to 
assert themselves. There will yet come a German 
" Forefathers' Day," The era is dawning for a forth- 
coming history, in which the German element will have 
its large and well-filled niche. This done, the poetry 
and romance will follow, by and by. 

We had intended to collect a series of facts from 
Loeher's " German's in A merica,'' and still other sour- 
ces, in confirmation of our declaration, when the Address 
delivered at the German Centennial Jubilee, in Reading, 
Pa., June 19, 1876, by the Hon. Daniel Ermentrout, 
fell under our eye. Finding the whole tale so graph- 
ically told in this masterly oration, and conceding it to 
be infinitely superior to any utterances which we might 
project upon an honored posterity, we cannot resist the 
temptation of presenting it entire. Let every descend- 
ant of Germanic parentage read it, and reading, rejoice 
over the record of our noble sires. 



408 THE LIFE OF 



OUR PEOPLE IN AMERICAN HISTORY. 



Oration by Hon. Daniel Ermentrout. 



On the 27th of August, 1739, nearly 137 years ago, 
the good ship Samuel brought to the shores of Pennsyl- 
vania 340 German immigrants. Among them were 
three individuals — father, son and grand-son. They 
came to the territory now embraced within the county 
of Berks, here settled, begat children, and here they and 
their posterity have continued to live to the present 
time. The individual who stands before you now, bears 
the name and blood of those three humble men, and he 
is proud here, upon his native soil in this glorious year, 
after the lapse of all this time, to tell to those ancestors^ 
countrymen, among them some, perhaps, whose eyes 
first saw the light of day in the village they were born, 
who rambled among the fields where their infant feet 
trod, who worshipped at the same altar at which they 
were baptized — as best he can, the story of what the 
German race has done to transform the howling wilder- 
ness of that date into broad and fertile acres, populous 
valleys and magnificent cities. What hardships from 
exposure, what dangers from wild beasts, and cruelties 
they suffered from the lurking and merciless savage ; 
what they did to wrest this land from kingly rule, and 
what they have contributed towards the triumphs of 
peace — all combining to the building up of the vast and 
mighty empire now know^n as the United States of 



CONRAD WEISER. 409 

Korth America, the hundredth year of whose freedom 
the German societies of this section are to-day celebrat- 
ing. The heart swells and the lip trembles at the con- 
templation of the theme. It is a subject worthy to be 
treated by an abler tongue. But to no one, so far as 
sympathy and inclination are concerned, more pleasing. 

To every American of German descent it should be 
an especial pleasure, as well as duty, to portray in fitting 
terms the deeds of his ancestors, because from a variety 
of causes, the historian has never done them the justice 
to which they are entitled. A studious effort was also 
made in the earlier history of this State to deprive them 
of the credit that was their due, and to impair their in- 
fluence in its political affairs. Nor have they fared any 
better from the pencil of the painter. 

Go to the Memorial Hall at Philadelphia, and you 
will there see two pictures; one by Puebla, portraying 
the landing of Columbus. The central figure is the 
great Colon himself, kneeling, dressed in the gorgeous 
scarlet costume of his country, surrounded by armed 
cavaliers in the same position ; and standing erect with 
crucifix uplifted, a representative of the most powerful 
Church the world has ever seen ; above him floats the 
standard of the nation upon whose vast dominions the 
sun never rose nor set, the Kingdom then ruled by Fer- 
dinand and Isabella ; while in the bushes, peering in 
wonder and amazement at the scene, stand the awe- 
struck savages. The other, by the pencil of Gisbert, 
represents the landing of the Pilgrim Fathers. You 
recognize, in the central figure, the pious pastor standing 
on the rock, with elevated hands and devout aspect, the 
beautified features of women in neat attire grace the 



410 THE LIFE OF 

scene, and in the back-ground appear the masts of the 
Mayflower. 

These pictures have immortalized the ^^ Discovery" 
and the "Landing." Poetry, religion, eloquence and 
art, all have combined to impress these facts upon his- 
tory with a grandeur and an emphasis, and to surround 
them with a halo which have rarely fallen to the lot of 
human occurrences. These people were masters of their 
own movements, and behind the one stood the power of 
Spain, and behind the other that of the English govern- 
ment, each speaking the language respectiv^ely of their 
colonists, each taking an interest and a pride in their 
success. The one spurred on by the pride of conquest, 
the other inspired by the ties of sympathy. 

So, too, who has not seen the prostrate form of 
Smith, protected from the club of Powhatan by Poca- 
hantas, and Penn's treaty with the Indians, glowing on 
the canvass. In vain we do we look for the pencilled 
story of the homeless, houseless, wandering exiles from 
Germany ; their cruel voyage across the sea ; their ar- 
rival among a people who understood not their lan- 
guage ; their lonely, dangerous and difficult journey 
through the wilderness towards the Blue Mountains. 
Nor do we anywhere find pictured their evening or 
morning worship in the primeval forest before extend- 
ing themselves around the camp fire by night, or pre- 
paring for the journey of the day. No Government 
speaking their language, protected them. Regarded as 
dangerous by the Proprietary Government of Pennsyl- 
vania as early as 1717,* they were hurried to the sec- 
tions now comprised within the territory of Lancaster, 
*Col. Rec, Vol. Ill, p 29, 228. 



CONRAD WEISER. 411 

Berks, Northampton and Schuylkill counties — then 
frontiers, and frontiers up to 1768 — far remote in the 
Indian ranges and hunting grounds, to form a cordon 
or defensive barrier against Indian enterprises.f 

Visit your State Capitol. The faces that adorn the 
walls of your public buildings there during the proprie- 
tary era, rest on shoulders coated with mail. We fared 
no better in this respect during the Revolutionary pe- 
riod. In 1717 a great fear of German immigration dis- 
turbed the Proprietary Governors. This fear continued 
up to 1729, as the letters of James Logan, the commu- 
nications of Governors Keith and Gordon to the Coun- 
cil and Assembly, during which period various devices 
were resorted to to obstruct immigration, culminating, 
finally, in a head tax. In 1730 the law was modified 
to apply only to vagrants,"^ but the prejudices sown in 
the preceding years still remained. Our ancestors did 
not see why, after paying for their lands and being as- 
sured by the Proprietary Government that the Indian 
title — the source of much of their difficulty — should l)e 
quieted, that they should be taxed by the Proprietors to 
protect the untaxed Proprietary property. They re- 
belled, and when they came down to Philadelphia, to 
vote for members of Assembly, they voted against the 
wishes of the Proprietary Government, and on Feb. 25, 
1750, Thomas Penn writes to Gov. Hamilton : ''I am 
greatly alarmed, the Germans behave so insolently at 
the elections ; they must no doubt do so from the num- 
bers given them at the back counties. The taking of 

tWatson's Annals, Gov. Denny's Letter, Nov. 10, 17o0. Ar- 
chives, 1756—1760, p. 44. 

*Seidensticker's Geschichte der l^eutschen Gesellschaft, p. 19. 



412 THE LIFE OF 

counties from Bucks and Philadelphia (Northampton 
and Berks) will take off their settlements and leave 
only two members of eight, and prevent them, for many- 
years, from having a majority/'* There can be no 
doubt that we have suffered much from these prejudices. 
The silence of history concerning the achievements of our 
race has also by the great American historian, Bancroft, 
been attributed to the " modesty" of our ancestors. He 
says : " Neither they nor their descendants have laid 
claim to all the praise that was their due.'^t But the 
hour has struck, when the children of the great Armi- 
nius, whether foreigner or native born, and of all creeds 
now in this land, and especially in this State, should 
search the records of the past and let their children knew 
and let the world know the achievements of the race 
here in this Western Continent. Without malice or 
undue partiality, spread them in such form upon the 
pages of history, that their virtues may be perpetuated, 
a source of pride to all their blood and an example 
worthy to be emulated by all, to the last syllable of re- 
corded time. 

It will be impossible, with a due regard for your 
comfort, nor do I possess the ability to lay before you 
all that should be said, and for both reasons I shall be 
compelled to confine myself merely to our own locality 
in the historical portions of my discourse. 

When Penn came here in 1681, he found the colonies 
already planted by the Teuton blood in the persons of 
Swedes and Dutch, dating back to 1633. Philadelphia 
he settled in 1681 — 1682. It will be remembered in 

^Henry's " Lehigh Valley," p. 24. 
tKapp's Steuben, Introduction, p. 7. 



CONRAD WEISER. 413 

this connection that William Penn himself was half 
Dutch by his mother. Prior to his settlement here he 
had made two journeys through Germany as (Quaker 
preacher. After William Penn became the proprietor of 
the country named in honor of his father, he in 1681 pub- 
lished the paper setting forth the advantages and condi- 
tions of settlement in Pennsylvania. It was immediately 
translated. Germany was full of all manner of intensive 
religionists, among whom the Quaker preachers had ob- 
tained a foothold. These then began to become enthu- 
siastic to lead a religious life in Pennsylvania. In 1682 
a company was formed at Frankfort, called the Frank- 
fort Company, for the purpose of furthering emigration 
to Pennsylvania and opening trade. Francis Daniel 
Pastorius was their agent, and he in the year 1 683, with 
some thirteen families, came to Philadelphia and laid 
the foundation for the first settlement the German emi- 
grants established in this country.* The Frankfort Com- 
pany in 1686, Nov. 24, held by their Germantown pat- 
ent 5,350 acres, and by the Manatawny patent 22,377 
acres. In this latter patent were included lands on the 
Manatawny Creek, and now partly belonging to the 
county of J3erks. From this it would appear that the 
country along the Manatawny in Berks was included in 
the first settlement after Philadelphia. Germantown 
remained for over one hundred years a German town. 
It had for a portion of this time its Burgomaster, Clerk, 
&c. The Seal of the Corporation was a Clover leaf, 
with the figures of the Vine, Hemp Flower and Weav- 
er's Spool on the three leaves, and the legend Yinum, 
Linum et Textrinum, Wein Lein und Webeschrein — 
^Seidensticker, p. 8. Gordon's Pennsylvania, p. 60, 



414 THE LIFE OF 

types, in the language of the Historian of the German 
society, of the mission of the Germans in the New- 
World. Husbandry, industry and contented enjoyment 
of life. Here, in 1738, was the first German printing 
press ; here appeared the first German newspaper, and 
in 1743 the German quarto Bible — the first Bible 
printed on this Continent in an European language. 
The emigration up to 1702 was small, not exceeding 200 
families. But when at the end of the 17th and beo^in- 
ning of the 18th centuries, the besom of war and de- 
struction swept over the Palatinate and Western Ger- 
many, immigration received a powerful impetus. The 
records of no age show the perpetration of more dread- 
ful barbarities than those committed by the robber bands 
of Louis XIV. Cupidity, political ambition and relig- 
ious hatred have all combined to make these years of 
European history as dark, bloody and cruel as those that 
have stained any similar period of the world's history. 
It seemed as if the devil had been let loose and the world 
given over to his evil devices. In Southern Germany, 
where German princes sought to ape the Court of Louis 
XIV. and French manners, it was no better. 

If these be glory, if people deserve immortality for 
these, there is no page in the history of nations too 
bright for the German emigrants, who were by these 
driven from the land of their birth at the beginning of 
the 18th century, to find a home and an asylum here. 
This emigration continued up to 1720. Subsequently a 
desire to better their temporal concerns, brought emi- 
gration hither, and from 1725 to 1744 it began to in- 
clude all sorts of religions — German Reformed, Lu- 
theran, Roman Catholic, Moravians, Schwenkfelders, 



CONRAD WEISER. 416 

&c. The earliest German Catholic settlement was that 
of Cusanhoppen in 1741. This extended into that part 
of Berks county known as Washington township. Its 
first pastor was Father Schneider, who at that early pe- 
riod travelled from Philadelphia through Bucks, Ches- 
ter, Berks and Northampton counties, frequently on 
foot, in the discharge of his pastoral duties. The chapel 
built by him in that year has by constant additions be- 
come a very large building, with a numerous congrega- 
tion. In the church now repose the bones of Father 
Schneider.* 

Before 1738 a respectable number of Schwenkfel- 
ders also settled in parts of what is now Berks county, 
where many of their descendants have continued ever 
since. As early as 1723 Tulpehocken was settled by 
Germans, who left Schoharie on account of the unjust 
manner in which they were treated by the Governor of 
New York. They had come to New York in 1710, 
and settled at Schoharie in 1713. From the beauty of 
the country through which the Tulpehocken flowed, they 
called the settlement Heidelberg. So it is to this day, 
surrounded by lovely hills, Heidelberg in the county of 
Berks. To this day the descendants of those settlers in 
that region are known by their names. May 18, 1729, 
a letter was written to Schoharie inviting the famous 
Conrad Weiser to come and settle among them for their 
protection against the Indians, from whom difficulties 
were apprehended, and with whom Weiser had great in- 
fluence at that date.f He come and settled near Wom- 
elsdorf. This Conrad Weiser was a remarkable man. 

*Mss. Augustine Bally, Church ville, Pa., present pastor. 
fAus Berks County's Schwerer Zeit. Wollenweber-p. 8. 



416 THE LIFE OF 

His fame soon reached the ears of the Government at 
Philadelphia ; he was sent for, made Indian agent, and 
from the time of his coming to Berks county to the time 
of his death — a period of 31 years — he was the protect- 
ing genius of the Pennsylvania settlements. It is not 
necessary for me to tell this audience that the hardware 
store, north-east corner of Penn and Fifth streets, is the 
site of the building occupied by him for trading and 
other purposes. There the savages would come from 
many miles around to see the great pale-faced medicine 
man, dance their wild dances, perform their savage cere- 
monies and smoke the pipe of peace. He died July 13, 
1760, and is buried on the farm where he dwelt. On 
Nov. 13, 1793, General Washington, accompanied by 
Gen. Joseph Hiester and other distinguished persons, 
stood at the grave of the German man, Conrad Weiser, 
and said : " This departed man, in a most difficult pe- 
riod, rendered many services to his country ; posterity 
will not forget him." He was born in Alstaedt, Wur- 
temberg.* His descendant, Dr. C. Z. Weiser, of the 
Reformed Church, is now preparing his biography, a 
matter too long neglected. 

The Tulpehocken settlement, after Braddock's defeat 
in 1755, was the scene of the most frightful massacres. 
History tells us that in one week in Tulpehocken dis- 
trict, at the foot of the Blue Mountains, 32 men, 21 
women and 17 children, 70 souls, were murdered in the 
most frightful manner ; 21 houses and barns burned, 
the cattle destroyed or carried ofiP. Under the energetic 
action of Conrad Weiser and his friend Capt. Spyker, the 
settlers armed and the Indians were driven back. The 
*Wollen\veber— p. 9. 



CONRAD WEISER. 417 

like barbarities were perpetrated in Northampton county, 
hundreds of the inhabitants were killed and their build- 
ings destroyed. In Feb. 1756, they murdered, killed 
and burned in Albany township. Early in March they 
inflicted similar cruelties at a place called Conrad's Mills, 
in Berks county. March 24th the house of Peter Kluck, 
14 miles from Reading, was set on fire, and the family, 
five in number, murdered. Later, in 1763, in Septem- 
ber, about 24 miles from Reading, the settlements be- 
yond Blue Mountains were attacked, and men, women 
and children killed, some scalped alive and others car- 
ried off. A few days'after, the home of Franz Hubler, 
in Bern township, 18 miles from Reading, was attacked. 
He was wounded, his wife and several children carried 
off and three others scalped alive. There were about 
200 miles of an extended frontier so exposed to the in- 
vasion of the Indians that no man could go to sleep 
within 10 or 15 miles of the border without the fear of 
having his house burned and himself and family led into 
captivity before the next morning. No man could tell 
where the Indians would strike the next blow.* These 
are a specimen of the dangers and hardships to which 
the German settlers of this section of the State were sub- 
jected. Yet history, while detailing barbarities inflicted 
by the merciless savages in other sections, has been so 
written that the children of Eastern Pennsylvania never 
knew of any other Indians than King Philip, Pontiac 
and Black Hawk. They never hear of Lieut. Col. 
Weiser, and it is by merest accident that they learn that 
among the German settlers were any who ever killed, 
or were killed by, Indians. Yet here were our ancestors 

*-Wollenweber— Gordon. 
27 



418 THE LIFE OF 

within the boundaries of this very county, exiles from 
their native land, in hourly and nightly peril of their 
lives. Liable at any moment to be shot in the field, 
their wives and children liable to be shot down or car- 
ried off while visiting their neighbors, liable to be 
awakened in the dead hour of night by savage yells, 
only to behold the devouring flames rolling over their 
barns and houses, with death from an Indian tomahawk 
or rifle certain to meet them at the door should they at- 
tempt to escape. And with all this they conquered, and 
their descendants are here to-day, many of them owning 
and tilling the land their ancestors fought to wrest from 
the Indians. Among the persons whose names have 
come down to us with Conrad Weiser's sons, as power- 
ful against the Indians and Capt. Spyker already men- 
tioned, were Dietrich Schneider and Joseph Hiester, the 
latter born in German Switzerland. He, with his two 
brothers, settled Bernville. In their many encounters 
with the Indians they were victorious, and impressed 
them with such a wholesome fear that the savages 
avoided the neighborhood of Bernville for a long time. 
Before leaving this branch of my subject, it is proper to 
state that in 1711, 1,000 Germans were engaged in the 
expedition to Quebec. That, with reference to Brad- 
dock's expedition, he himself writes. May 24, 1755, in 
a letter to Gov. Morris, of New York, complaining of 
his disappointment. "In short in every instance, but 
in my contract for Pennsylvania wagons, I have been 
deceived and met wiih nothing but lies and villainy."* 
There were few wagons in Pennsylvania owned by any 
but our people. 

*Col. Rec, Vol. VI., p. 399. 



CONRAD WEISER. 419 

We now approach the period of the revolution, a 
chapter in our history to which Germans of all creeds, 
whether foreign or native born, can point with |)ride. 
Our ancestors — your countrymen — knew what tyranny 
and oppression were. They had been driven or fled 
from a country whither they had been the victims and 
sport either of the foreign invaders or of their own rul- 
ers. They had already faced many dangers, and in 
spite of all, with no aid from their own country, with 
little, if any, from the Proprietary Government, they 
had maintained themselves and made the wilderness to 
bloom and blossom as the rose. Their moral life pre- 
viously had been unexceptional. In 1730, 8th month, 
14th, Rev. Jed. Andrews writes of us : " They are dili- 
gent, sober, frugal people, rarely charged with any mis- 
demeanors. Many of them live yet in the county, have 
farms, and by their industry. and frugal way of living, 
grow rich. They have the best lands in the Province."* 
In 1738 Gov. Thomas said of them : "I believe it may 
be truthfully said that the present flourishing condition 
of it (the Province) is in a great measure owing to the 
industry of these people ; it is not altogether the fertility 
of the soil, but the number and industry of the people 
that makes a country flourish."! With it all they 
manifested a spirit of intelligent independence second to 
that of no race in the world's history. In 1723, rather 
than suffer the oppressive exactions of the Governor of 
New York, they had settled in Tulpehocken. As early 
as 1750, according to Thomas Penn's letter, they had 
learned to vote in a way that he denominated " imolenC^ 

*15 Hazard's Register, p. 200. 
fCol. Rec, Vol. IV., p. 315. 



420 THE LIFE OF 

He writes the wrong word. It was independent. In 
1755, 400 Germans marched in an orderly and peacea- 
ble manner to Philadelphia and, in person, petitioned 
for the passage of just laws for protection from Indians. 
The Governor of the Province was then endeavoring to 
pass laws for raising money by a system of taxation 
which did not embrace the large quantities of lands then 
held by the Proprietaries to which they were justly op- 
posed. The same year at an election in Reading for 
Sheriff, Jonas Seely, a candidate for the office, at the 
opening of poll had all voices in his favor, but it being 
reported that he was of the Governor's party, "the Ger- 
mans'' left him to a man and he was defeated.* In 
1757, June 30th, Gov. Denny writes to the Proprieta- 
ries — "that the Berks County Militia refuse to serve un- 
der any but their own officers."t 

One of the reasons why Western Pennsylvania was 
not settled as the East was, by our ancestors, was that 
those lands being claimed by Virginia, a parish tax was 
exacted for support of English Establishment in that 
State. Several Germans proposed to the Ohio Com- 
pany, in whose charge they were, to take and settle with 
200 families, 50,000 acres of these lands, if they could 
be exempt from this tax. To this, though favored by 
Lawrence Washington, the State of Virginia would not 
agree, and thus this section lost the advantages of the 
German emigration.** Later still in 1764 we find 
them memorializing the Governor and Assembly among 
other grievances on the inequality of representation of 

^Gordon, p. 31(5. VVeiser's Letter, Oct. 2, 1755. 
fPenna. Archives, ITSS-OO. p. H)4. 
■;::-s:01(l Redstone, p. 24. 



CONRAD WEISER. 421 

the counties of Lancaster, York, Cuinberhiiul, Berks and 
Northampton, they altogether having but 10 members, 
Philadelphia, Chester and Bucks sending 2G.* It will 
thus be perceived that the spirit that makes freemen, 
burned brightly in the German breast when occasion 
required. Bancroft says, "at the commencement of the 
Revolution we hear little of them, not from their want 
of zeal in the good cause, but from their modesty. "t Be 
this as it may. In the occurrences that led to the Revo- 
lutionary w^ar the student will always find the German 
name. In 1765, after the passage of the obnoxious 
Stamp Act, to the compact agreeing to import no British 
goods, are found the names of the German merchants of 
Philadelphia, Heinrlch Keppele, Sr., Heinrich Keppele, 
Jr., Johann Stein metz, David Deschler, Daniel Wister, 
Johann Wister and others, and Heinrich INIiller's paper 
did not conceal its disgust.** "If we do hear little of 
them,'' as Bancroft says, "we hear /?-o??i them, there are 
their names." Bancroft further says, in the same book, 
"They kept themselves purposely in the background, 
leaving it to thoge of English origin to discuss the vio- 
lation of English liberty, and to decide whether the 
time for giving battle had come." We think this is a 
grave mistake. Reasoning from the spirit they showed 
in the causes of emigration, their contests with the Pro- 
prietaries and their action during the Indian struggles, 
the Germans needed no man to tell them what was a vi- 
olation of liberty. The English nation owed its exist- 
ence to the Teuton race, its liberty to that blood, to the 

^Gordon, p. 448. 

tKapp's Steuben, Introduction. 
*-*Seidensticker's Geschichie, p. 227. 



422 THE LIFE OF 

Saxon, the Germanic race. It was Hengist and Horsa, 
the Saxons, who saved the Britons from the Picts and 
Scots in the 5th century, and then became masters of 
the island itself. They and their Saxons gave to that 
land its Jury System, the great bulwark of liberty.* 

James Logan, in a letter written in 1729, on the 
subject of German emigration, alludes to the exploits of 
our Saxon ancestors in England, where he says *' the 
numbers from Germany at this rate will soon produce 
a Germany Colony here, and, perhaps, such an one as 
Briton once received from Saxony in the 5th century.^f 
To say, therefore, that they left others to discuss viola- 
tions of English liberty or any liberty, is contrary to 
their previous history and is to charge our people with 
stupidity and ignorance of what was transpiring under 
their very eyes. The record is the other way. Mr. 
Bancroft is not to be charged with intentional injustice 
toward us, for he does say in the article from which we 
have quoted, " But when the resolution was taken, no 
part of the country was more determined in its patriot- 
ism than the German counties of Pennsylvania and Vir- 
ginia.'^ The question is, did they help to take theresolu- 
tion f " The Americans of that day who were of German 
birth or descent formed a large part of the population of 
the United States ; not less than a twelfth of the whole, 
and, perphaps, formed even a larger portion of the in- 
surgent people. ''** 

In 1747 they were already three-fifths of the whole 
population of the State — the whole population being 

*Hume, Vol. I., p. 15. 

fRupp's Berks and Lebanon Counties, p. 92. 

**Bancroft. 



CONRAD WEISER. 423 

then 200,000.* Emigration continued up to 1776. 
Pennsylvania was the most flourishing of the Colonies. 
We believe that this estimate is below the actual figures. 
But at all events the great majority of the citizens of 
Pennsylvania were, at the outbreak of the Revolution, 
Germans by birth or descent. They had their own 
newspapers. They had their churches and school houses, 
learned and independent ministers, and at Philadelphia 
:a German society or Gesellschaft. To ask the world, in 
view of their antecedents, to believe that this majority, 
with these means of information, with their intelligence 
:and character, could so restrain the impulses of their 
race and blood as to purposely "stand in the background," 
:and be floated by the minority, without materially help- 
ing to take the resolution to fight, is putting an unrea- 
:sonable burden on our credulity. Then we must re- 
member that in addition to having smelled gunpowder 
.among the Indians, there were many who were old 
.soldiers or the descendants of soldiers, who, like Chris- 
topher Ludwig, believed, " Ohne Schwefel und Salpeter 
ieine Freiheit" (without sulphur and saltpeter no free- 
dom.) 

The record is right on this point. In the Provin- 
cial Convention of 1774 and 1775 appear names like 
.Schlosser, Ludwig, Christopher, Schultz, Baltzer, Gehr 
— the two latter from Berks county. In the Committee 
of Correspondence such names as Hillegas, Engel and 
others. In 1774 the large meeting was held at Read- 
ing, in which the people declared themselves for liberty. 

The names of Germans are found in abundance in 

*Gov. Thomas, April 23, 1747. Episcopal Church History in 
Pennsylvania, by W. S. Perry, D. D., p. 265. 



424 THE LIFE OF 

all the Vigilance Committeas established at that time. 
A pamphlet, which was printed in German in Philadel- 
phia in 1775, is a most important piece of evidence. It 
is entitled ^^ Message of the Evangelical Lutheran and 
Reformed Church Consistory and of the officers of the 
German Association in Philadelphia, to the German 
inhabitants of the Provinces of New York and Xorth 
Carolina." It demonstrates that the Germans had ar- 
rayed themselves already on the side of freedom, and 
needed no instructions on that point. It says, '^ We 
have from time to time daily with our eyes seen that the 
people of Pennsylvania generally, rich and poor, approve 
of the conclusions of Congress; 'especially have the 
Germans of Pennsylvania, near and far from us, distin- 
guished themselves, and not only established their mili- 
tia, but have formed picked corps of rangers, who are 
ready to march wherever it may be required,' and those 
among the Germans, who cannot serve personally, are 
throughout willing to contribute according to their means 
to the common good." The pamphlet was one of 40 
pages and is an exhaustive statement of the question. 
It ends with this significant sentence, " By order of the 
assembled members of the Evangelical Lutheran and 
Reformed Church Consistory and of the authorities of 
the German Society." It is signed by Ludwig \yeis, 
who was chairman of the committee.* 

Here, then, was the expressed thought of organized 
societies, the mouth-pieces of the Germans, as early as 
August 1775, which could not have been the growth of 
a few months. Why did the Continental Congress so 
soon and so unhesitatingly seek to utilize the Germans ? 
*Seidensticker, p. 227. 



CONRAD WEISER. 425 

Why was it so easy to obtain soldiers in the German 
counties, if the Germans had not thought of the issue 
and helped to make it before the call came? May 25, 
1776, Congress resolved to create a German Regiment, 
four Companies from Maryland and four from Pennsyl- 
vania. By July 17th, Pennsylvania had raised her four 
and an additional one, which was commanded by Geo. 
Woepper, an old German soldier, who had served under 
Washington in numerous campaigns. Washington most 
urgently recommended him to Congress as a reliable 
man. Among the officers appear such nanies as Han- 
sagger, Burckhard, Rollwagen, I^ora, Hubley, Boyer, 
SchaefFer, Kotz, Weiser, Bower, Yeiser. On July 4th, 
1776, the day the Declaration was proclaimed, a meeting 
was held of the officers and privates of 53 Battalions of 
Associators of the Colony of PennsyU^ania at Lancaster 
— Berks, Bucks, Lanc^aster, York and Northampton 
counties were represented by Germans. Here they are 
from Berks — Levan, Hiestcr (of these there were three, 
Joseph, John and Daniel, who were an enduring name 
in the Revolution), Lindermuth, Loeffler, Kreraer, Lutz, 
Muller, Keim, Hartmau, Filbert, Wenrich, Spohn, Mo- 
ser, Seltzer and the like.* 

In July, 1775, Capt. G eorge Nagle enlisted a Com- 
pany of Volunteers at Reading, marched with them to 
Boston, where they arrived a month later, served there 
until the surrender or evacuation of Boston, from thence 
were sent to defend New York, and participated in all 
the battles up to their discharge in July, 1776. Capt. 
Nagle was afterwards Lieutenant Colonel of the 9th 
Penrw. Regiment. Berks county had seven Battalions 
*Rupp's Berks County. 



426 THE LIFE OF 

in the war. At the last battle of Long Island, three 
Battalions captured by the Hessians were mostly Ger- 
mans from Pennsylvania. Lancaster county furnished 
nine complete Regiments. After all the young men had 
left Reading for the Army, the old men — eighty in num- 
ber — formed a new Company. Their Captain was 97, 
and the drummer 84 years of age.* Our people were 
at Trenton, Princeton, Long Island, Brandywine, and 
Germantown.f 

There can be no question that throughout the war 
the German emigrant and his descendants gave abundant 
proof that the blood which centuries before had, under 
the great Herrman, in the forests of German, almost 
before the birth of Christ, broken the mighty power of 
Rome; which in later years built up the powerful Ger- 
man empire, afterwards disrupted, but the fragments of 
which we now in our day, after one of the greatest wars 
of modern times, after the lapse of ages, have seen gath- 
ered together under one banner and one sovereign — still 
flowed in their veins. On every hillside they drew their 
swords in defence of liberty, under the ensign of the 
young Republic. On every battle field they baptized 
their devotion in their own blood with a patriotism sur- 
passed by soldiers of no race. They toiled and suffered 
on the march, on the field, in the roar of battle — they 
died that the nation might live. I cannot close this part 
of my discourse with making again green with grateful 
tribute the graves of the gallant Steuben and DeKalb, 
and endeavoring this day to raise in your hearts new 
monuments to their memory. To them we owe much. 

*Force's Records. 
fSeidenstieker. 



CONRAD WEISER. 427 

The one had learned the art of war under Frederick 
the Great, the other under Marshall Saxe. The latter, 
after years of the most useful and tiresome service, fell 
on the bloody field of Camden, pierced with eleven 
wounds, regretted by friend and foe, who watched with 
tenderest concern by his bedside till life had fled. Sol- 
dier to the last, his thoughts were of his brave comrades, 
and before expiring he charged his adjutant to give them 
" thanks for their valor, and bid them an affectionate 
farewell/' Native born citizens of America, you who at 
times have suffered yourselves to be banded together 
oath bound, in imitation of the British tyrants of colo- 
nial times, to obstruct and hinder those political rights 
of aliens which you have now guaranteed by law to the 
negro, what had this gallant German to gain by coming 
to the wilds of America ? He left position, promise of 
preferment, everything that could dazzle the mind of a 
soldier, or gratify an honorable ambition. He left the 
society of a charming and lovely wife to whom he was 
devoted, the quiet of a home he yearned for, and met 
death at the hands of an enemy with whom he had no 
quarrel, that you and I and our descendants forever 
might be free in our civil rights, our political rights, 
and that we might without prejudice to either, worship 
God according to the dictates of our own conscience. 
GabrieFs trump alone can summon the unknown and 
forgotten Germans, who in that eventful period died 
martyrs to the sacred cause of freedom, whom some of 
you would again crucify in their countrymen. And 
what was the spirit of Steuben ? Listen to his letter to 
Congress, Dec. 1777: "Honorable gentlemen — The 
honor of seeing a nation engaged in the noble enterprise 



428 THE LIFE OF 

of defending its right and liberties, was the motive that 
brought me to this continent. I ask neither riches nor 
titles. I am come here from the remotest end of Ger- 
many at my own expense. I should willingly purchase 
at the expense of my blood the honor of having ray 
name enrolled among those of the defenders of your 
liberty.* 

To Gen. Washington he says, ''I shall only add that 
the object of my greatest ambition is to render your 
country all the services in my power, and to deserve the 
title of a citizen of America by fighting /of the cause of 
your liberty.''^'\ 

Well did he fulfill his pledge. He brought order 
out of chaos. He created our Regular Army. He 
taught them manoeuvres. He introduced into the Army 
such a system of drills, inspections and reports as en- 
abled our raw militia to combat successfully with the 
British Regulars, and saved the treasury $600,000. He 
made the American infantry equal to the best troops of 
the time. The system he laid down continued to be 
the only one known to the American army for a long 
time, with such modifications as the great wars of the 
French revolution introduced. Unlike DeKalb, he 
lived to see the struggling colonies become free and in- 
dependent States. He himself became an honored citi- 
zen of New York, living upon a tract of land in Oneida 
county, near the present Utica. In 1794, full of years 
and honors, he died and was laid to rest under a hem- 
lock tree near his residence. On the very spot a public 
road was afterwards laid out and the old warrior's coffin 

^Journals of Congress, XIII., p. 114. 
fSparks, Wash. Writings, Vol. V., p. 28. 



CONRAD WEISER. 429 

was exposed. By the hands of some affectionate friends 
it was removed to a neighboring hillside and covered by 
a simple slab, upon which appears the name ''Steuben/' 
Underneath rests all that is mortal of that brave German 
man who, having served abroad in seven campaigns for 
two and twenty years, gave his mature experience to the 
cause of American liberty. He ranked next to Wash- 
ington and Greene, the great Generals of the Revolu- 
tion."* 

But it was not only in warlike services that our peo- 
ple distinguished themselves. They enjoyed Washing- 
ton's confidence to a marked degree. He was never de- 
ceived by them, and he knew that his appeals for aid 
were never in vain. The granaries and wagons and 
storehouses of the German farmers of Pennsylvania could 
not be supplied from any other source ; the were indis- 
pensible to the cause. Reading was head-quarters for 
military stores. The log house, southwest corner of 
Sixth and Franklin streets, was an old granary. But it 
did not stop here. The gold and silver which these fru- 
gal people had gathered by years of previous industry, 
was cheerfully yielded up for public use. At Washing- 
ton's request nine citizens of Pennsylvania gave their 
personal bonds to pay in gold and silver £21,000, over 
^100,000, for provisions to supply the Army of Liberty. 
I give you their names — Michael Hillegass, John Stein- 
metz, Abraham Bickley, Joseph Bleivor, Henry Keppel, 
Fred. C. Hassenclever, Isaac Melcher, John Schaetfer, 
Andrew Doz. Is there any doubt of their ancestry ? 
During the whole period of the war, Michael Hillegass 
was the Treasurer of the United States. I must not for- 
*Kapp's Steuben. Green's DeKalb and Steuben. 



430 THE LIFE OF 

get in this connection Washington's " honest friend," 
Christopher Ludwig. He spent of his time and money. 
In the convention, at which Gov. Mifflin proposed a 
subscription for the purchase of arms, when discouraging 
voices were heard, the old soldier arose and said, " Mr. 
President, I am only a poor gingerbread baker, but 
write down for me £200.'^ This closed the debate. He 
was a man of immense influence, he always could rally 
the Germans, and always did so. He also believed that 
" a false weight was an abomination to the Lord," for 
when Washington told him that he simply wished to 
have a pound of bread for a pound of flour, the old man 
said, " no, you shall have 135 lbs."* Christopher Lud- 
wig should be canonized and made the Patron Saint of 
the bakers of the land. These are a sample of the deeds 
of the Germans in the Revolution ; and the records and 
traditions of the times, scattered throughout Eastern 
Pennsylvania and the valley of Virginia, abound with 
similar examples ; so that it cannot be truthfully denied 
that in everything that contributed to the independence 
of America, the German men stood second to none ! 
Truthfully indeed has Bancroft said : " Neither they 
nor their descendants have laid claim to all the praise 
that was their due." 

The second war of the Revolution, that of 1812, is 
so recent that there are so many persons still living who 
can bear testimony to the patriotism of the citizens of 
Eastern Pennsylvania, that it is a waste of time to dwell 
upon it. Suffice it to say that when it occurred, Simon 
Snyder, a Pennsylvania German, occupied the Guberna- 
torial chair in this State. ■» 
*Rupp. Seidensticker. 



CONRAD WEISER. 431 

In the civil war that burst upon the land in 1861, 
on both sides of the conflict foreign Germans and descend- 
ants of Germans of every creed, ably maintained the 
reputation of German valor. 80,000 Germans fought 
on the Union side. How many on the Confederate side, 
we have not had time to ascertain. On the Union side 
we have such names, foreign and native, as Schimmel- 
pfennig, Siegel, Rosecrans, and a host of others. To 
detail them, rank and file, is to write a large page of 
your country's glory. Amongst the Confederates we 
recognize such names as ZollicoiFer, Imboden, Deshler, 
Yerger and others. If their names were written out, 
many books would not contain them, and looking over 
the roll we would be very forcibly reminded of Rupp's 
30,000 names of German Immigrants to Pennsylvania. 
We have yet to learn that the laurels their countrymen 
and ancestors had won in many a well contested field in 
Europe, in the Indian wars, the Revolution, 1812, and 
Mexico, suffered through them. So far as money was 
concerned, the German counties of Pennsylvania did 
their full share ; but here the subject becomes too ex- 
tensive, nor is it necessary to dwell up on it in view of 
the fact that thousands of the survivors of that war are 
to be found in every part of the land. We must also 
bear this in mind — that the Eastern counties of Penn- 
sylvania have been a hive from which, since the Revo- 
lution, year after year swarms of Pennsylvania Germans 
with plow, and axe, and wagon have penetrated into 
every county of Pennsylvania, in some instances actually 
capturing by arts of peace as Hengist and Horsa, their 
Saxon ancestors, did by arms from the Britons, the lands 
from the descendants of the original settlers ; for in- 



432 THE LIFE OF 

stance, Franklin county, which was settled, we believe, by 
Scotch-Irish. They have migrated East, West, North 
and South ; so that it is not possible for one to go to 
any section of the country, even to the remotest, that 
you are not certain to find a Pennsylvania German or 
his descendants ; so, too, with the countrymen of his a»- 
cestors, so that, were we to undertake to write or speak 
all that might be said, w^e would be writing the greater 
part of our country's prosperity and history. 

Their influence on politics, commerce, trade and 
American civilization is beyond the power of any one 
man fully to comprehend or portray. If you will ex- 
amine the Roll of Constitutional Conventions held in 
this State, beginning with that of 1776 down, you ev- 
erywhere find the German name. If you will look into 
the Records of Political Conventions of both parties, na- 
tional or otherwise, there they are again. Take up the 
Roll of your National Congress at this day, there you 
will find them. The records of your own State Legisla- 
ture, you will find them there. And in all these bodies, 
past and present, you will in vain look for minds more 
able, counsellors more active or sagacious, hearts more 
upright, and records freer from taint even in this day 
and generation, when investigations are so rife. Most con- 
spicuous among these are the names of Allen Thurman, 
U. S. Senator from Ohio, and Thomas A. Hendricks, 
ex-United States Senator and present Governor of Indi- 
ana — both of them prominent candidates for Presidential 
nomination in this Centennial year. Both bearing Ger- 
man names and well maintaining its honors. Indiana 
and Ohio have been largely settled by immigration from 
the German counties of Pennsylvania. 



CONRAD WEISER. 433 

To look back to the administrations of German Gov- 
ernors of this State, is to look upon green spots in its 
history. Nowhere do we find any more creditable than 
those of Snyder, Hiester, Schulze, Wolf, Ritner or 
Shunk. Well have they guarded the honor, the dignity 
and the treasury of the State, and indelibly have they 
left their mark upon her institutions. It was under 
George Wolf, the son of a plain German emigrant, and 
mainly by his untiring efforts and perseverance that the 
free school system was finally established in this State. 
Politicians, to subserve miserable party purposes, and to 
open an avenue to gorge themselves with public plun- 
der, have lately gotten into the habit of clamoring for 
more guarantees for its safety. Absurd assumption, 
that sees danger where none is menaced ! They call it 
the bulwark of the American Republic. Let these trick- 
sters remember that the son of a German emigrant stood 
upon the outermost citadel. Let them remember that 
its safety is better guaranteed by German integrity, 
German intellect and German firmness, than by their 
windy resolutions. We wish also to remind you that it 
was nothing but the treachery of his supporters that in- 
terfered with putting at the head of the Presidential 
ticket of one of the great parties of the country the name 
of a German, the gentleman who so quietly and unos- 
tentatiously administers the office of Governor of this 
Commonwealth. 

Take up the educational departmeiit, your colleges 
and universities in this State. You there find the Ger- 
man coming up to the full measure of his well estab- 
lished fame. In the pulpit of every religious denomi- 
nation for which Germans have any attachment, their 
28 



434 THE LIFE OF 

priests and pastors are as liberal, pious and learned as 
any that can be found. At the bar and on the bench 
and rostrum you will find them by scores, honored, able 
and diligent. Frederick Smith, a native of this county, 
attained to the dignity of the Supreme bench in our 
State. He was a grandson of one of the first pastors of 
the Lutheran church, corner of 6th and Washington 
streets, and father of Hon. Henry W. Smith. It is a 
notable fact that on our own bench, two law judges of 
pure German origin — Judges Hagenman and Sassaman 
— are flanked on either side by two Associate Judges — 
Buskirk and Bruckman — in whose veins flows the blood 
of the Netherlands. Their names will be found in the 
records of the Thirty Years' War. Your Congressmen 
and Senators, with very few exceptions, have been of the 
same stock, Hiesters, Snyders, Bitters, Keim, Muhlen- 
berg, Getz,'and have held up their heads with the best, 
they were descendants of the very earliest settlers distin- 
guished in the Indian and revolutionary wars. Your 
present Congressman has the blood of the old Indian 
fighters of Bernville. So, too, with your State Legisla- 
tures, your banking institutions. Everywhere you will 
find them. 

We count a Professor — Joseph Leidy — since the 
death of Agassiz, at the head of Natural Science. In 
medicine a Professor Gross, of world-wide reputiUion. 
In art, P. F. Rothermel, of Berks county stock, we be- 
lieve, whose pencil will make forever live the battle 
scenes of Gettysburg. May we not express the hope 
that his genius will some day immortalize the German 
emigrant of the early day. Indeed, the names of those 
who occupy the leading places in society, places of trust 



CONKAD WEISER. 436 

and business, if collected, would read like the muster 
roll of a German regiment of Frederick the Great, the 
Emperor William, or nny other German King, with 
here and there a foreign name which would represent 
the soldiers of fortune, whom we find in the ranks of 
every great army. 

If we cast our eyes in the direction of great com- 
mercial enterprises, we will find the German blood as- 
serting its equality with the best. John \V. Garret, the 
great railroad man of the Baltimore and Ohio, Frank 
Gowen of the Philadelphia and Reading, have in them 
the blood of Germans from Eastern Pennsylvania — two 
railroad presidents whose names have never been con- 
nected with improper practices in legislation. But Da- 
vid Deshler, bearing a name frequently occurring in the 
earliest records of Eastern Pennsylvania, from whence 
he emigrated to the State of Alabama, was the only man 
of whom we know, that ev^er ©wned a whole railraad, 
lock, stock and barrel. It was the first railroad west of 
the Alleghenies, 1834 and 1835. It ran from Decatur 
to Tuscumbia, was forty-two miles in length and known 
as the Tuscumbia and Decatur Railroad. It is now 
part of the Memphis and Charleston Road. He was, 
besides, prominent in the political councils of the State. 
Gen. Deshler, before mentioned as distinguished in the 
Confederate army, was of his family. His blood rela- 
tives are numerous in the South and in Eastern Penn- 
sylvania, mainly in Lehigh county. In this connection 
we must not omit the name of Jacob Yoder, of Read- 
ing, who was the first white man to float a flat boat 
down the Mississippi. This was in 1782. He died at 
Louisville, Kentucky, and is there buried. 



436 THE LIFE OF 

Fred. Graff, a descendant of one of the earliest set- 
tlers, constructed the Fairmount water works. The 
public buildings of Eastern Pennsylvania, outside of 
Philadelphia, we are speaking of now ; her churches, 
her court houses, her school houses and their appoint- 
ments are the first in the State, and in point of size, ar- 
chitectural and decorative beauty, those built by the 
German stock surpass by far those of other races. It 
is not necessary for me to speak of the advance of the 
race in agriculture here in the centre of the garden spot 
of Pennsylvania. What God and German industry 
have done for the country in this respect, neither the 
pen of the poet, the pencil of the painter, nor the tongue 
of the orator can portray. 

We must not forget, also, to pay a just tribute to 
workingmen of German blood in this land. Their 
humble, continuous, productive industry under free in- 
stitutions, like the streams in the bowels of the earth 
flowing silently on till they mingle together a mighty 
ocean, upon which the world's rich argosies sail, have 
contributed to place the country's prosperity upon an 
enduring basis. In their case, as it ever must, frugality, 
good habits, energy and prudence have met their usual 
reward in a greater self-respect, comfort, independence 
and the confidence and respect of the community. May 
the day not long be delayed when God will grant the 
country wisdom to found such a policy as will entirely 
restore the industries of the country, and may the day 
never dawn when o})pression and unjust laws will de- 
prive labor of its just reward. 

Thus have I, the American descendant of a German 
emigrant, as best I could, out of a great mass of material, 



CONRAD WEISER. 437 

endeavored to tell the story of the German in this land.* 
I know there are many omissions ; the futnre and others 
must supply them. I have sought to decry no race. 
With feelings of honest pride and profound pleasure 
have 1 endeavored to set before his descendants and his 
countrymen, in such a way as to deserve willing recog- 
nition, the great and useful services that he has rendered 
since 1684, towards making the Grand Exposition now 
open at Philadelphia possible. You, gentlemen of the 
societies, under whose auspices this celebration has been 
held, find ample reasons in the past records of our race 
for a German celebration of the Centennial anniversary. 
This county of Berks, teeming with memories of the 
dangers, trials, hardships, suflPerings, lives and deaths of 
the German settlers, is a most fitting place for the cele- 
bration. T cannot refrain here from pointing to the fact 
that the first township in the State to fill the quota called 
for by the Centennial managers, w^as that of Heidelberg, 
the region of country first settled by Germans near the 
grave of Conrad Weiser. 

The record proves that wherever placed, we are 
abreast of any race in history. That the German has 
done his full share and as much as any other race to- 
wards the greatness, wealth, prosperity and everything 

*It is with great pleasure I acknowledge my obligations to 
George De B. Keim, Esq., Solicitor General of the Philadelphia 
and Reading Railroad and Vice President of the Historical So- 
ciety of Pennsylvania, for much useful information and impor- 
tant data. He is a native of Reading, to which place his ances- 
tor, Nicholas Keim, came from Oley township. The family 
owned for many years the White Store, built by Conrad Wei- 
ser, of which mention is made in the Address. The name of the 
family has been inseparably connected with the history of 
Berks county from its first settlement to the present day.— D. E, 



438 THE LIFE OF 

else that goes to the building up of the State. Because 
that record is right, I desire to rebuke those persons who, 
by changing their names, have sought to conceal their 
origin, or who from any motive deny their German an- 
cestry. They are worse than barbarians. A German 
name here is a mark of nobility — a title of honor. 

I desire to draw attention to those virtues of modera- 
tion, frugality and industry that made your State so 
prosperous, and to tell my fellow citizens that if we 
would restore and maintain the individual and solid 
prosperity of former days, we must progress backward 
from this cursed modern extravagance, undue desire to 
grow rich and live without working, to German house- 
keeping. 

That if we wish to preserve the commercial credit of 
the people, the honor and dignity of the State, and re- 
move grievous burdens from the back of the tax-payer, 
we must progress backward to German integrity and the 
purity of the early German administrations of the State. 

I desire to encourage among children and young 
men a feeling of pride in their German ancestry, a desire 
to make themselves thoroughly acquainted with their 
history to the end, that they may be inspired to like vir- 
tues for the good of their fellowmen and the State. Un- 
like Alexander, there are worlds yet for German blood 
and brain, and energy, and valor to conquer. There 
are heights yet on which we must plant the German 
banner. Honors in every walk in life to which we must 
attach the German name. We must yield to no race 
under the sun. To this end we must become imbued 
with that deep respect for religion that is so characteris- 
tic of our German ancestry of every denomination or 



CONRAD WEISER. 439 

creed ; we must cultivate their virtues, we must study 
the language and institutions, and respect the laws of the 
country. If the laws are not right, we must change 
them. With liberty for our watchword, we must give 
notice to the world that the German race here on this 
Western Continent will not permit or countenance any 
measures that interfere with a man's rights of conscience, 
that every man shall have the right to pursue any hon- 
orable calling and to worship God in any form of reli- 
gion without prejudice to his civil or political rights. 
lu other words, let the world know that the blood of the 
German race is to-day what it was in the forests of Ger- 
many before Europe knew what liberty was — -free — that 
they are now in favor of Constitutional Liberty, and are 
determined that this shall be in deed the land of free- 
dom, restrained only by law. May we not then hope 
that the career now opening upon the German race at 
home and abroad will be the page in the world's history, 
and that their descendants for untold cycles will meet 
century after century as we do this day, to celebrate 
deeds of German liberty, Ge)inan valor, German patriot- 
ism, German virtue in American History. 



440 THE LIFE OF 

NO. VII. 

An Authentic Autobiography of Conrad 
Weiser. 

[Among the several copies ot Conrad Weiser's 
"Manuscript Autobiography/' which are with his de- 
scendants, some are imperfect, and others are incorrect, 
in consequence of wrong translation, misconception, and 
carelessness. We will present a reprint of the fullest 
and most I'ellable narrative, from his own hand. The 
original is still in the possession of Isaac Womelsdorf, 
of Womelsdorf, Pa., and has been translated for the 
"Collections of the Pennsylvania Historical Society,'' by 
Dr. H. H. Muhlenberg, of Reading, who has kindly 
granted us the use of his labor. It has been the au- 
thor's misfortune to have secured it at too late a stage 
of this work, to assign it a more conspicuous place. It 
may serve, we trust, to throw an additional and truer 
light on some of the earlier written pages, as well as to 
supplant or correct the spurious specimens extant.] 

In the year 16^6, on the 2d of November, I, Conrad 
Weiser, was born in Europe, in the land of Wucrtem- 
berg, in the county (Amt) of Herrenburg, the village is 
called Astael, and was christened at Kupingen, near by, 
as my father has informed me. I say, I was born on 
the second of November, sixteen hundred and ninety- 
six. My father's name was John Conrad Weiser, my 
mother's name was Anna Magdalena, her family name 
was Uebele. My grand-father w^as Jacob Weiser, my 
great-grand-father also Jacob Weiser. He was magis- 
trate (Schultheiss) in the village of Great Aspach, in the 
county (Amt) of Backnang, also in the land of Wuer- 



CONRAD WEISER. 441 

ternberg. In this latter village my ancestors from time 
immemorial were born, and are buried there as well on 
my father's as my mother's side. In the year 1 709, my 
mother passed into eternity on the last day of May, in 
the 43d year of her age, while pregnant with her six- 
teenth child, leaving children, Catrina, Margareta, Mag- 
dalena, Sabina, Conrad, George Frederick, Christopher, 
Barbara, John Frederick, and was buried there by the 
side of my ancestors. She was a woman fearing God, 
and much beloved by her neighbors. Her motto was, 
"Jesus Christ, I live for you, I die for you, thine am I 
in life and death.'' 

In the year above mentioned, namely in 1709, my 
father moved away from Great Aspach on the 24th of 
June, and took eight children with him. My eldest 
sister, Catrina, remained there with her husband, Con- 
rad Boss, with whom she had two children. My father 
sold them his house, fields, meadows, vineyard and gar- 
den, but they could only pay him 75 gulden, the re- 
mainder, 600 gulden, was to be paid to my father at a 
subsequent period, which w^as never done, so it was 
made a present to them. In about two months we 
reached London in England, along with several thou- 
sand Germans whom Queen Ann, of glorious remem- 
brance, had taken in charge, and was furnishing with 
food. About Christmas day we embarked, and ten ship 
loads with about 4,000 souls were sent to America. 

On the 13th of June, 1710, we came to anchor at 
New York in North America, and in the same autumn 
were taken to Livingston's Manor at the expense of 
the Queen. Here in Livingston's, or as it was called 
by the Germans Loewenstein's Manor, we were to burn 



442 THE LIFE OF 

tar, and cultivate hemp, to repay the expenses incurred 
by the Queen in bringing us from Holland to England, 
and from England to New York. We were directed by 
several commissioners, viz., John Cast, Henry Meyer, 
Richard Seykott, who were put in authority over us by 
Robert Hunter, Governor of New York. But neither 
object succeeded, and in the year 1713 the people were 
discharged from their engagements and declared free. 
Then the people scattered themselves over the whole 
Province of New York. Many remained where they 
were. About 150 families determined to remove to 
Schochary (a place about forty English miles to the west 
of Albany.) They therefore sent deputies to the land 
of the Maquas to consult with the Indians about it, who 
allowed them to occupy Schochary. For the Indian 
deputies who were in England at the time the German 
people were lying in tents on the Blackmoor, had made 
a present to Queen Ann of this Schochary, that she 
might settle these people upon it. Indian guides were 
sent to show the Germans where Schochary was. My 
father was the first of the German deputies. 

In November, 1713, when the above mentioned 
deputies had returned from the Maqua country to Liv- 
ingston's Manor, the people moved the same autumn to 
Albany and Schenectady, so as to be able to move in the 
spring to Schochary. Bread was very dear, but the peo- 
ple worked very hard for a living, and the old settlers 
were very kind and did much good to the Germans, al- 
though some of a different disposition were not wanting. 
My father reached Schenectady ihe same fall, where he 
remained with his family over winter with a man named 
John Meyndert. 



CONRAD WEISER. 443 

A chief of the Maqua nation named Quaynant visi- 
ted my father, and they agreed that I should go with 
Quaynant into his country to learn the Maqua language. 
I accompanied him and reached the Maqua country in 
the latter end of November and lived with the Indians : 
here I suffered much from the excessive cold, for I was 
but badly clothed, and towards spring also from hunger, 
for the Indians had nothing to eat. A bushel of Indian 
corn was worth five to six shillings. And at this period 
the Indians, when drunk, were so barbarous, that I was 
frequently obliged to hide from drunken Indians. 

1714. In the spring my father removed from Schen- 
ectady to Schochary, with about 150 families in great 
poverty. One borrowed a horse here, another there, also 
a cow and plow harness. With these things they united 
and broke up jointly so much land that they raised nearly 
enough corn for their own consumption the following 
year. But this year they suffered much from hunger, 
and made many meals on the wild potatoes and ground 
beans which grew in great abundance at that place. The 
Indians called the potatoes Ochna-nada, the ground beans 
Otach-r-agara. When we wished for meal, we had to 
travel 35 to 40 miles to get it, and had then to borrow 
it on credit. They would get a bushel of wheat here, a 
couple at another place, and were often absent from home 
three or four days before they could reach their suffering 
wives and children crying for bread. 

The people had settled in villages, of which there 
were seven. The first and nearest, Schenectady, was 
called Kneskern-dorf; 2. Gerlacho-dorf ; 3. Fuchsen- 
dorf ; 4. Hans George Schmidts-dorf; 5. Weisers-dorf, 
or Brunnen-dorf ; 6. HartmanVdorf ; 7. Ober Weisers- 



444 THE LIFE OF 

dorf. vSo named after the deputies who were sent frona 
Livingston's manor to the Maqua country. 

Towards the end of July I returned from among the 
Indians to my father, and had made considerable pro- 
gress, or had learned the greater part of the Maqua lan- 
guage. An english mile from my father's house there 
lived several Maqua families, and there were always 
Maquas among us hunting, so that tliere was always 
something for me to do in interpreting, but without pay. 
There was no one else to be found among our people 
who understood the language, so that I gradually became 
completely master of the language, so far as my years 
and other circumstances permitted. 

Here now this people lived peaceably for several years 
without preachers or magistrates. Each one did as he 
thought proper. About this time I became very sick 
and expected to die, and was willing to die, for my step- 
mother was indeed a stepmother to me. By her influ- 
ence my father treated me very harshly ; I had no other 
friend, and had to bear hunger and cold. I often thought 
of running away, but the sickness mentioned put a bit 
in my mouth ; I was bound as if by a rope to remain 
with my father to obey him. 

I liave already mentioned that my father was a 
widower when he left Germany, and landed in 1710 
with eight children, in New York, where my two 
brothers, George Frederick and Christopher, were 
bound by the Governor, with my then sick father's con- 
sent, over to Long Island. The following winter my 
youngest brother, John Frederick, died in the sixth year 
of his age, and was buried in I^ivingston's bush, as the 



CONRAD WEISER. 445 

expression then was, and was the first one buried where 
now the Reformed Church in Weisers-dorf stands. 

In the year 1711 my father married my stepmother, 
whom I have mentioned above. It was an unhappy 
match, and was the cause of my brothers and sisters all 
becoming scattered. At last I was the only one left at 
home, except the three children he had by my step- 
mother, viz., John Frederick, Jacob and Rebecca. Ev- 
erything went crab-fashion ; one misfortune after an- 
other happened to our family, of wliich I always was 
partaker. I frequently did not know where to turn, 
and learned to pray to God, and his word became my 
most agreeable reading. 

But to return to Schochary. The people had taken 
possession without informing the Governor of New 
York, who, after letting tliem know his dissatisfaction, 
sold the land to seven rich merchants, four of whom 
lived in Albany, the other three in New York. The 
names of those in Albany were Myndert Shyller, John 
Shyller, Robert Livingston, Peter Van Brugken ; of 
those in New York were George Clerk, at that time 
Secretary, Doctor Stadts, Rip Van Dam. Upon this a 
great uproar arose in Schochary and Albany, because 
many persons in Albany wished the poor people to re- 
tain their lands. The people of Schochary divided into 
two parties ; the strongest did not wish to obey, but to 
keep the land, and therefore sent deputies to England 
to obtain a grant from George the first, not only for 
Schochary, but for more land in addition. But the 
plans did not succeed according to their wishes, for in 
the first place the deputies had to leave secretly and em- 
barked at Philadelphia in 1718. As soon as they got 



446 THE LIFE OF 

to sea they fell into the hands of pirates, who robbed 
them as well as the crew of their money, but then let 
them free. 

My father, who was one of the deputies, was three 
times tied up and flogged, but would not confess to hav- 
ing money ; finally William SchefF, the other deputy, 
said to the pirates, this man and I have a purse in com- 
mon, and I have already given it to you, he has nothing 
to give you ; upon which they let him go free. The 
ship had to put into Boston to purchase necessaries for 
the crew and passengers, in place of those taken by the 
pirates. When they reached England, they found times 
had changed, and that there was no longer a Queen Anne 
on the throne. They still found some of the old friends 
and advocates of the Germans, among w^hom were the 
Chaplains at the King's German Chapel, Messrs. Boehn 
and Roberts, who did all in their power. The affairs of 
the deputies finally reached the Lords Commissioners of 
Trade and Plantations, and the Governor of New York, 
Robert Hunter, was called home. In the meanwhile, 
the deputies got into debt ; Walrath, the third deputy, 
became homesick, and embarked on a vessel bound to 
New York, but died at sea. The other two were thrown 
into prison ; they wrote in time for money, but owing 
to the ignorance and over-confidence of the persons who 
had the money to transmit which the people had collect- 
ed, it reached England very slowly. In the meanwhile, 
Robert Hunter had arrived in England, had arranged 
the sale of the Schochary lands in his own way, before 
the Board of Trade and Plantations. The opposite party 
was in prison, without friends or money. Finally, when 
a bill of exchange for seventy pounds sterling arrived,they 



CONKAD WEISER. 447 

were released from prison, petitioned anew, and in the 
end got an order to the newly arrived Governor of New 
York, William Burnet, to grant vacant land to the Ger- 
mans who had been sent to New York by the deceased 
Queen Anne. 

Towards the end of the year 1720, this William 
Burnet arrived in New York. In the commencement 
of the year 1721, I was sent to New York with a peti- 
tion to Governor Burnet. He appeared friendly, and 
stated what kind of an order from the Lords of Trade 
and Plantations he brought with him, which he was re- 
solved to comply with, but deputies were yet in Eng- 
land, not content with the decision, but could get noth- 
ing more done. In the last named year, viz., 1721, 
William Scheff returned home, having quarrelled with 
my father ; they both had hard heads. At last, in the 
month of November, 1723, my father also returned. 
Scheff died six weeks after his return. 

Governor Burnet gave patents for land to the few 
who were willing to settle in the Maqua country, name- 
ly, in Stony Arabia, and above the falls, but none on 
the river as the people hoped. They therefore scattered, 
the larger part removed to the Maqua country or re- 
mained in Schochary, and bought the land from the 
before-named rich men. 

The people got news of the land on Suataro and 
Tulpehocken, in Pennsylvania ; many of them united 
and cut a road from Schochary to the Susquehanna 
river, carried their goods there, and made canoes, and 
floated down the river to the mouth of the Suataro 
creek, and drove their cattle over land. This happened 
in the year 1723. From there they came to Tulpe- 



448 THE LIFE OF 

hocken, and this was the origin of Tulpehocken settle- 
ment. Others followed this party and settled there, at 
first, also, without the permission of the Proprietary of 
Pennsylvania or his Commissioners ; also against the 
consent of the Indians, from whom the land had not yet 
been purchased. There was no one among the people 
to govern them, each one did as he pleased, and their 
obstinacy has stood in their way ever since. Here I 
will leave them for a time, and describe my own cir- 
cumstances. 

In 1720, while my father was in England, I mar- 
ried my Ann Eve, and was given her in marriage, by 
the Rev. John Frederick Heger, Reformed clergyman, 
on the 22d of November, in my father's house in 
Schochary. 

In 1722, the 7th of September, my son Philip was 
born, and was baptized by John Bernhard von Duehren, 
Lutheran clergyman ; his sponsors were Philip Brown 
and wife. 

The 13th of January, 1725, my daughter Anna 
Madlina was born; was baptized by J*^ .i Jacob (Ehl, 
Reformed clergyman ; her sponsors were Christian 
Bouch, Junior, and my sister Barbara. 

In 1727, my daughter Maria was born on the 24th 
of June, and was baptized by William Christopher Bir- 
kenmeyer, Lutheran clergyman. Her sponsors were 
Nisklas Peg and wife. 

In 1728, December 24th, my son Frederick was 
born ; was baptized by John Bernhart von Duehren, 
Lutheran clergyman ; his sponsors were Nicklas Feg 
and wife. 

These four were born to me at Schochary. After- 



CONRAD WEISER. 449 

wards J namely y in 1729, I removed to Pennsylvania, and 
settled in Tulpehocken, where the following children 
were born to me, namely : 

1730, the 27th of February, my son Peter was born, 
and in 1731, the 15th of February, I had two sons 
born, who were called Christopher and Jacob ; the first 
lived 15 weeks, the latter 13 weeks, when they were re- 
leased from the evils of this world and taken to a happy 
eternity. 

1732, June 19th, my daughter Elizabeth was born. 

1734, the 28th of January, my daughter Margaret 
was born. 

The 2Sd of April, 1735, my son Samuel was born. 

The 18th of July, 1736, I had again a son born to 
me. I called him Benjamin ; when he was three months 
old, the care of the Almighty God took him away ; the 
same year my daughter Elizabeth followed him. A 
merciful God will give them all to me again, to the 
honor of his glory. 

The 11th of August, 1740, another son was born ; I 
called his naniv. Jabez. The mercy of God removed him 
from the evil of these days when he was 17 days old. 

The 27th of February, 1742, another daughter was 
born; I called her name Hanna ; the following 11th 
August she went into a happy eternity. 

The 16th of March of this year my dear daughter 
Madlina went from time to eternity, through an easy 
death, after a long and tedious illness. Her faith, con- 
solation, and refuge was in the crucified Saviour, Jesus 
Christ, whom she had vowed herself to in days of health, 
with soul and body. 

The 12th of Aug., 1744, my son Benjamin was born. 
29 



Dr. Bausman's New Work, 

"WAVSIDK Umm l iROPl." 

The subject of this work is Europe. Among the many places 
and persons described we may mention the following: 

Liverpool, Glasgow, Dublin, Birmingham, Oxford, Lon- 
don, Amsterdam, Elberfeld, Cologne, Frankford, 
Bingen, Spires, Mayence, Heidelberg, Basel, 
Berne, Geneva, Zurich, SchaiFhausen, the 
Rhine Fall, Augsburg, Strasburg, 
Munich, Hesse, Bremen, Berlin, 
Wittenberg, Potsdam, Vi- 
enna, Prague, Venice, 
Dresden, Milan, Florence, 
Genoa, Rome, the Vatican, the 
Catacombs, the Ghetto, Naples, Mt. 
Vesuvius, Pompeii, Herculaneum, Puteoli, 
&c. ; Dr. Guthrie, Dr. Newman, Dr. Gum- 
ming, Spurgeon, Dr. Krummacher, Hengstenberg, 
Nitzsch, Ritter,;Ullman, the Pope, and many others. 

The author has freely mingled among the people, and de- 
scribes their condition, habits and national peculiarities in a 
striking manner. His good judgment and rare descriptive 
powers enable him to present to the reader just those things 
+iia.t are worth knowing and remembering. Of the many 
works that have been written on Europe, we venture to say 
that "Wayside Gleanings" is excelled by none in point of 
interest and instructiveness. 

The book is printed from new clear type and finely bound. 
Price, $2.00 ; gilt, S8.00. Sent free on receipt of price. Agents 
are wanted. Address, with stamp, 

DANIEL MILLER, Beading, Pa. 



A Pilgrimage Through 
Eg-.vpt, Pales^tine and ^^i^abia, 

BY REV. DR. BAUSMAN. 

This valuable book describes in a, pleasing; style all the 
points of interest in that most wonderful country in the world — 
PALESTINE. The author has made a thorough tour through the 
Holy Land and Egypt, and gives in this book his observations 
in an instructive manner. Every reader of the Bible will be in- 
terested in a description of the Land of the Bible, and its many 
memorable cities, towns, mountains, wells, rivers, ttc. ; the 
places where the Patriarchs, the Saviour and the Apostles lived 
and labored. Among the places described are the following : 

Jetnisalem, Bethlehenij Bethel, 

Salemy Nazareth, Jericho, 

Tlie Jordan, Datiiacus, Baalheck, 

Tyre, Sidon, Capeiiiaum, 

JacoUs Well, ML CarmeJ, 

Lebanon, ML Sinai, d'c. 

In short, all places of interest in the Holy Land. Also, 

Egypt and the Desert, 

Alexandria, Cairo, the Nile River, the Pyramids, the Red Sea. 
700 passages of Scripture having reference to places and customs 
of the people are explained. 

SIX ILLUSTRATIONS 

Accompany the work, representing Ancient Jerusalem, Modern 
Jerusalem, a Camping Scene, Er-Rahah, Garden of Gethsem- 
ane, and Damascus. 

Manners and Customs. 

The book contains an interesting description of the manners, 
customs and modes of life of the present inhabitants of Pales- 
tine, the Wilderness and Egypt. This book is a valuable aid to 
every student of the Bible, and should be found in every family. 

Pricks.— Bound in tine muslin, :^2.00. Extra tine Itinding^^ 
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Address, 

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Kkauinci, Pa. 

IBD78 



